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From YouTube: Redistricting Working Session on October 21, 2022
Description
Redistricting Working Session - Dockets #1186, #1215, #1216, #1273 & #1275, amending City Council electoral districts
A
Yeah
it's
a
good
morning.
Everyone
welcome
to
the
curly
room
for
the
record.
My
name
is
today
is
Friday
October
21st
2022
for
the
record.
My
name
is
Liz
Braden
District,
9,
City,
councilor
I
am
chair
of
the
Boston
city
council
committee
on
redistricting
I
am
joined
by
my
colleagues
counselor.
In
order
of
arrival,
counselor
Murphy
councilor
Flynn
councilor
Flaherty
councilor
Baker
concert
Bach.
A
A
I
have
had
a
letter
of
apology
from
our
colleague
councilor
Gabriella
Coletta
can't
control
his
brain
chair
of
the
committee
on
redistricting,
dear
chair,
Braden
and
Council
colleagues.
I
regret
to
inform
you
that
I
will
be
absent
from
today's
redistricting
working
session
on
October
21st
2022.
Due
to
a
previous
commitment.
Kindly
read
this
letter
into
the
record.
I
am
generally
supportive
of
the
unity
map
as
it
relates
to
the
lines
drawn
for
my
district.
I
am
enthusiastic
about
the
potential
to
absorb
Ward,
3366
and
Ward
3
Precinct
13.
A
A
So
this
this
morning
we
are
joined
by,
we
are
joined
by
Professor
Moon
as
a
consular
religion
where's.
Your.
A
A
C
A
The
lab
is
led
by
a
professor
Moon
duchen,
our
staff.
Our
staff
have
has
expertise
and
interests
in
spanning
mathematics,
geometry,
topology,
discrete
math,
Dynamics,
algorithms,
software
development,
geography,
SDS
and
policy.
A
A
In
2022-23
are,
there
are
major
research
directions,
are
algorithmic
approaches
to
the
Electoral
redistricting
voting
polarization
and
the
Voting
Rights
Act
and
right
choice
voting.
So
it's
my
pleasure
to
welcome
congratulations
here
with
us
this
morning.
I
just
want
to
go
on
the
acknowledge
my
colleagues
and
services.
D
All
right,
I'm
pleased
to
be
with
you
today
and
what
I'd
like
to
do
I'll
introduce
myself
briefly.
Thank
you
for
that
introduction
say
a
little
bit
more
about
my
involvement
in
redistricting
in
this
cycle,
then
I
have
a
very
short
presentation
up,
because
I
wanted
to
talk
about
some
of
the
ways
that
priorities
and
principles
in
redistricting
are
playing
out
in
those
Cycles.
A
F
D
And
so
perfect,
my
goal
is
partly
to
talk
about
how
prioritization
might
be
working
out
differently
in
this
cycle
than
it
has
in
past
six.
So
I'm
a
professor
of
mathematics
at
Tufts
and
have
been
working
on
redistricting
since
2016.
D
this
year,
I've
been
an
expert
witness
in
state
and
federal
courts
about
redistricting
in
seven
states
and
had
assisted
legislatures
and
commissions
around
the
country,
so
I'm
very
much
on
the
kind
of
analysis,
data
science,
good
government
side
of
trying
to
understand
the
tensions
in
redistration.
Okay.
D
So
of
course
the
basic
problem
is
to
divide
up
a
locality
into
pieces
that
conduct
elections,
we're
here
to
talk
about
the
single
member
districts
in
the
Boston
city
council,
although
of
course
there
are
also
at
large
seats,
it's
the
districted
ones
that
are,
of
course,
subject
to
redistricting.
G
D
A
local
term,
it
comes
from
the
North
Shore
from
not
so
very
long
ago,
and
this
is
just
a
super
quick
cartoon
to
illustrate
the
principle
that
I
think
we
all
understand,
which
is
that,
if
you
know
a
lot
about
the
voters
and
you
move
the
lines
you
can
skew
the
representation
one
way
or
drastically
another
way.
This
is
something
that
is
the
center
of
my
research
and
just
how
much
control
of
the
representation
you
have
from
the
Lions
is
something
that's
become
increasingly
clear,
as
the
mathematical
modeling
has
improved.
D
D
Just
a
very
little
bit
so
I've
identified
here
in
group
that
I'm
calling
the
core
tdps
or
traditional
districting
principles,
equalizing
population,
racial
fairness,
which
is
grounded
both
in
the
Voting
Rights
Act
and
in
equal
protection
in
the
Constitution
continuity
compactness,
which
I
think
of
as
the
geometry
of
the
districts,
respect
where
applicable
for
County
and
Municipal
boundaries
that
won't
come
up
within
Boston
and
then
communities
of
Interest,
which
is
started
here,
because
it's
universally
recognized
as
an
important
principle.
D
But
it's
extremely
vague
and
unless
you
know
how
you're
operationalizing
it
or
making
it
concrete
it's
hard
to
use.
And
then
there
are
important.
But
what
I'm
calling
contested
priorities,
partisan
considerations,
incumbency
and
even
core
retention
I
want
to
highlight
that
that,
in
my
opinion,
deserves
the
status
of
a
contested
principle.
It's
widely
recognized
that
line
drawers.
Try
to
make
new
districts
resemble
the
ones
that
they're
replacing.
But
this
is
considered
to
be
tied
in
with
incumbency
protection
in
ways
that
states
have
taken
different
approaches
to
whether
they
encourage
or
discourage
the
consideration.
D
Having
been
in
the
trenches
of
all
this
litigation
in
the
last
year.
I'm
happy
to
answer
your
questions
about
how
the
tensions
between
these
are
playing
out,
but
I
think
this
is
a
fair
division
of
the
principles
into
the
ones
that
are
really
the
Bedrock
of
recognized,
legally
sanctions,
criteria
that
are
taken
into
account
when
we
draw
districts
and
others
that
while
important
cannot
submerge
the
first
asset,
so
I
wanted
to
talk
about
metrics.
D
How
do
you
measure
compliance
with
these
principles,
especially
the
ones
that
sound
extremely
vague
here
I'll
be
brief,
especially
in
recognition
of
our
short
time
together,
but
I'm
very
happy
to
take
questions?
This
is
what
I
do
I'm
very
happy
to
talk
about
this
at
any
level
of
detail.
That
would
be
helpful
population
balance
when
we're
dealing
with
congressional
districts.
The
practice
around
the
nation
is
to
balance
them
to
one
person
which
is
insanely
tight
population
balance
for
the
biggest
districts
that
we
have
using
the
census.
The
official
census
account.
D
D
Districts
like
city
council
districts
or
like
State
Legislative
districts.
Typically,
the
standard
is
that
no
District
should
be
more
than
five
percent
different
from
the
ideal
size.
The
ideal
size
total
size
of
the
locality
divided
by
the
number
of
insurance,
so
that
gives
you
no
more
than
a
10
top
to
bottom
deviation
and
I'll
review
after
I.
D
Corner
continuity,
where
two
pieces
just
meet
at
one
point
is
usually
discouraged,
but
some
states
are
explicitly
okay,
that
in
their
rules
that
didn't
come
up
in
any
of
the
maps
we'll
be
discussing
today,
they're
all
in
tickets,
compactness,
that's
the
one
that
says
the
district
should
look
nice.
This
one
is
very
complicated
and
because
my
background
is
in
Geometry,
this
is
how
I
got
interested
in
redistricting
the
first
place.
There
are
lots
of
ways
this
can
be
measured.
They
go
by
names
like
the
pulsby
popper
score
and
the
react
score.
D
Those
are
just
scores
that
look
at
the
efficiency
of
the
shape
you
should
think
of
them
as
rewarding
plump
shapes
and
penalizing
shapes
that
are
erratic
that
have
tentacles
or
thin
necks.
Those
are
the
kinds
of
things
they
get
poor
scores
react
literally
takes
your
District
draws
the
smallest
circle
around
it
and
sees
how
much
your
District
fills
out
that
Circle.
So
it
rewards
circular
districts
explicit,
of
course
not
all
districts
can
be
circular,
they
wouldn't
fit
together,
and
so
these
are
scores
where
you
try
to
get
a
higher
score.
D
But
you
know
you
can't
get
all
the
way
to
100
there's
a
new
score.
That's
been
in
circulation
in
courts
this
year
that
I'm
one
of
the
people
responsible
for
developing
and
that's
called
the
cut
edges
score
I
like
it
actually
a
whole
lot
better
than
the
others,
because
it
looks
at
the
units
that
you're
using
to
build
your
plans.
In
this
case
we
built
from
Whole
precincts
and
it
asks
how
many
of
them
are
separated
from
each
other
into
different
districts.
So
you
should
think
of
cut
edges
as
asking.
D
If
you
were
trying
to
cut
your
plan
out
with
scissors
How
many
units,
would
you
have
to
separate
to
do
that,
so
the
more
complex
and
winding
your
plan
is
the
more
cut
edges
it
wraps
up
and
again,
I'll
show
you
how
that
compares
across
the
plants.
Any
questions
at
this
point
try
not
to
be
a
math
professor.
Today,
okay
and
then
political
boundaries.
D
Usually
that's
that's
where
you
try
to
keep
counties.
Whole
keep
cities
whole,
of
course,
within
the
city.
You
don't
need
to
do
that.
We
could
count
word
splits
if
we
were
so
inclined
and
if
you
tell
me
that's
important,
that's
easy
to
do,
but
other
than
that
political
boundaries
aren't
as
applicable
to
local
Industries.
H
As
best
we
can
trying
to
keep
the
woods
together
or
even
last
time
we
talked
a
lot
about
Ward
15.
There
was
two
precincts
that
were
split
out
of
10
or
11
360,
not
Jewel,
and
the
conversation
was
should
we
should
we
try
to
do
five
and
five?
So
it's
equally
split
like
that.
So
that's
something
that
we
want
to
pay
attention
to
is
not
splitting
more.
This
past
weekend,
yeah.
D
I
I
D
Right
and
that's
a
great
point
when
I,
when
I
testify
on
redistricting
around
the
country,
I
always
use
Massachusetts
as
an
example
of
weak
counties.
So
if
you're
in
Texas
counties,
if
you're
in
Texas,
you
absolutely
know
what
county
you
live,
but
most
of
my
neighbors
do
not
know
what
county
we
live
in
I'm
in
Middlesex
Parkway,
and
what
you're
pointing
to
which
is
quite
right
is
the
different
kinds
of
political
units
are
more
Salient
to
everyday
life
than
others.
And
so
that's
the
question
to
you.
How
Salient
are
the
wards?
H
D
You're
absolutely
right
and
what
I
find
in
these
court
case
I'm
just
back
from
South
Carolina
from
testifying
about
the
south,
the
congressional
districts
in
South,
Carolina
and
as
you'd
guess,
the
two
sides
have
different
narratives
about
what
was
most
important.
In
that
case,
it
was
left
to
the
court
to
decide,
and
in
this
case
I
would
say
best
practices.
Is
that
it's
up
to
you
to
debate
and
decide
among
yourselves
and
that
folks,
like
me,
who
are
trying
to
support
you
with
with
data
analysis,
can
provide
measurements.
D
D
in
2020
states
were
very
uneven
in
how
much
they
invested
in
collecting
information
from
the
public
about
what
is
your
community
I
was
hired
in
several
states
to
help
with
that
collection
effort,
I
had
I
led
that
effort
for
the
Michigan
independent
commission
worked
with
New
Mexico
and
several
other
states
that,
of
course,
in
Massachusetts
we
had
public
hearings,
but
not
a
map
collection
effort.
So
that's
potentially
something
to
consider
for
the
future.
D
If
you
want
to
have
concrete
communities
of
interest
that
you
can
take
into
account,
when
you
do
your
redistricting,
then
a
effort
to
collect
them-
that's
coordinated
with
mapping,
can
be
really
fundamental
for
making
that
possible.
In
Michigan,
we
collected
1800
maps
from
the
public
and
fused
them
into
cois
that
the
commission
can
take
into
account
in
their
process.
D
Here
we
have
possibilities
for
doing
something
that
could
still
feel
like
a
consensus
process.
For
instance,
boston.gov
lists
24
named
neighborhoods
around
Boston
from
JP
Mattapan,
North,
End
and
so
on.
If
there
is
a
source
of
consensus
boundaries
for
those,
that
would
be
a
way
to
take
communities
of
Interest
into
account
and
to
try
to
look
to
keep
them
whole
in
the
same
way
that
you
might
for
awards.
D
No
I
would
say
that
kind
of
language
and
that
level
of
precision
is
quite
common
and
that
what
I've
seen
play
out
is
people
going
back
and
forth
about
which
are
the
Salient
regions
and
neighborhoods.
So
in
Alabama
planes
have
said
the
the
Alabama
black
belt
is
obviously
a
very
important
noted
Community
with
common
socioeconomic,
racial
and
other
elements
of
history,
and
the
other
side
was
talking
about.
D
You
know
Mobile
County
and
its
Mardi
Gras
Traditions,
so
you
really
have
when
when
it,
when
you
have
to
do
post-hoc
community
of
Interest
assessment,
it's
very
difficult
because
everybody
might
have
a
different
notion
of
what's
the
most
important
community
and
where
its
boundaries
are
I.
Think
in
Boston
you
know,
as
someone
who
lives
right
next
door,
we're
at
an
advantage
of
having
fairly
concrete,
named
neighborhoods
that
have.
D
It
would
probably
be
not
as
hard
to
come
up
with
a
consensus
set
of
boundaries
for
those
and
so
I
think,
if,
if
you
judge
that
to
be
an
important
feature
for
your
process,
that's
something
that
could
be
if
you
turned
around
fairly
quickly.
If
that's
something
you
wanted
to
do,
but
something
to
also
think
about
for
the
future
really
often
what
ends
up
happening
is
that
Community
justifications
are
given
after
a
map
is
wrong,
a
map
will
be
drawn
and
then
folks
will
say.
District
4
has
this
community
character.
D
District
Six
has
this
community
character,
but
in
terms
of
best
practices,
it's
really
helpful
to
have
identified
the
communities
up
front
before
you've
drawn
those
poor
attention.
So
in
this
case
it
would
be
what
share
of
the
2020
Boston
population
would
be
in
a
different
district
and
a
proposed
plan
from
their
assignment
in
the
last
site.
So
that's
called
displacement
and
it's
sort
of
the
inverse
of
core
retention.
It
looks
at
how
many
people
were
reassigned
in
a
given
plan
and
just
looking
ahead
to
where
I
show
you
the
comparison
of
your
five
Maps.
D
K
D
Have
sad
for
reasoning
in
part:
it's
also
in
the
interest
of
transparency,
the
earlier
that
the
line
drawing
body
can
identify
communities
that
emerged
from
public
testimony.
It
shows
several
things:
it
shows
taking
seriously
the
public
testimony
and
it
gives
people
a
concrete
way
to
understand
cois
so
that
when
the
public
submits
maps
to
you,
they
can
be
looking
at
the
same
communities.
You
are.
K
D
D
That's
that's
why
I
had
it
on
the
list
of
contested
principles,
because
it
can
be
an
excuse
for
not
making
needed
changes,
but
of
course
there
are
also
very
good
reasons
to
promote
core
retention,
continuity
of
representation
being
able
to
continue
projects
that
are
underway,
they're
good
Arguments
for
it,
but
it
can
be
pre-textual,
as
one
might
argue
if
it's
the
case
in
Alabama
comes
from
here.
L
Thank
you
for
being
here
so
just
for
those
who
are
going
to
be
tuning
in
later
and
as
we
continue
to
go
through
this
process,
I'm
just
curious.
If
you
could
just
help
us
understand
the
clear
distinction
in
terms
of
the
moment
that
we
find
ourselves
in
here
right
now
between
language
and
racial
priorities
and
communities
of
Interest.
Like
absolutely,
can
you
really
laser
in
on
kind
of
this
moment
right
now,.
D
Yes,
and
and
also
the
whole
third
part
of
these
slides
is,
is
looking
a
little
bit
more
closely
at
the
the
sort
of
race
debate
facing
City
councils
around
the
country
right
now,
I
think
with
the
Los
Angeles
explosion,
there's
also
increased
sensitivity.
D
So
what
I
want
to
say
about
your
question
is
that
the
the
framework
around
race,
ethnicity
and
language
is
really
quite
different
from
the
framework
around
communities
of
Interest,
it's
anchored
in
the
Constitution
and
in
federal
law,
and
it
is
definitely
a
much
higher
ranking
priority
nationally
and
I
would
like
to
maybe
give
a
little
bit
of
context
about
why
that
is,
of
course,
that's
true
for
historical
reasons,
but
also
for
folks,
like
me,
who
do
a
lot
of
modeling
of
redistricting
has
become
clear
that
districts,
which
were
once
thought
of
as
this
great
civil
rights
device
for
getting
good
representation
for
minority
groups.
D
So
I
I
do
think
it's
important
to
keep
those
separate
in
your
mind.
Communities
of
Interest
are
I.
Think,
like
I
said
a
moment
ago.
I
think
the
future
of
redistricting
of
best
practices
is
taking
communities
seriously
and
I
don't
want
to
play
that
down,
but
at
the
same
time
it
doesn't
have
the
same
stature
in
the
law
or
in
you
know,
good
government
practices
that
the
racial,
ethnic
and
language
minority
protections.
L
Would
you,
in
your
personal
and
professional
opinion,
would
you
say,
given
the
underground
in
the
city
of
Boston,
particularly
with
communities
of
color,
that
given
priority
to
the
voter,
Rights,
Act
and
focusing
on
race
and
ethnicity,
and
language
is
now
more
than
ever,
just
as
equally
as
important
for
us
to
uplift
that.
D
Yeah,
the
the
undercount.
Let
me
just
speak
to
the
undercount
trends
generally,
because
studying
census
data
is
one
of
the
things
that
that
I
do
the
census.
Every
every
cycle.
They
run
a
post
enumeration
survey
to
look
at
whether
they
differentially
over
counted
or
under
count
to
different
groups,
and
it's
been
true
for
40
50
years
that
the
census
knows
that
it
systematically
under
counts
communities
of
color.
D
So
it's
systematically
under
counts
black
Latino,
Asian,
Native,
American
living
on
reservations,
and
this
is
true
for
all
kinds
of
reasons
having
to
do
with
whether
the
census
can
reach
different
communities
with
equal
ease.
D
This
time
we
were
worried
with
covid
and
the
political
challenges
to
the
Census
Bureau
that
the
under
count
might
be
even
worse
than
usual.
The
numbers
came
out
and
it
looks
like
it's
just
in
line
with
the
historical
Trends,
which
is
to
say
it's
pretty
serious,
so
there's
a
series
in
systematic
account
of
communities.
Communities
I
would
say
that
the
way
to
take
that
into
account
probably
would
be
to
look
at
when
you
have
your
districts,
which
ones
are
overpopulated
and
which
ones
are
underpopulated
and
to
to
avoid
overpopulating.
D
H
D
That's
a
great
question
actually
last
time
I
was
in
this
building.
I
was
at
a
representing
meeting
to
talk
about
that
process.
So
around
the
country.
The
process
really
varies
enormously
about
the
timing
between
redistricting
and
representing,
and
actually
one
of
the
things.
That's
that
I've
learned
is
quite
standard
is
to
make
new
precincts
then
make
the
districts
then
adjust
the
precinct.
So
it's
a
kind
of
back
and
forth
adjustment
process.
D
My
opinion
is
that
and
I've
looked
at
this
in
Boston
in
particular,
I
wondered
if
it
was
the
case
that
Boston
precincts,
because
they
hadn't
been
redone
in
so
long,
would
be
overpopulated
relative
to
the
rest
of
the
state.
It
is
not
the
case
they're
actually
under
populated
relatives
to
the
rest
of
the
state.
I
looked
at
whether
there
were
racial
Trends
in
the
over
and
under
population
of
the
districts.
D
There
aren't
here
as
it
turns
out,
and
so
I
I
don't
see
the
representing
as
something
you
need
to
pause
your
process
for,
but
it
might
be
something
that
happens.
You
know
with
a
little
bit
of
back
and
forth
between
the
represents
but
I.
If
I,
if
I
thought
there
were
kind
of
fairness,
red
flags
in
the
way
the
current
precincts
are
I
will
tell
you
that
and
I,
don't
think
so.
D
Okay,
please
do
keep
asking
questions.
That's
great!
That's
what
that's!
What
I'm
here
for
so
I'm
happy
to
talk
about
this
incumbency?
Usually
the
incumbency.
Respect
in
a
plan
is
measured
in
two
ways:
core
retention,
because
that
looks
at
the
number
of
your
constituents
that
you'll
be
facing
again
they're
familiar
with
you,
so
core
retention
is
thought
to
favor
incumbents,
but
also
this
concept
of
double
bunking
I.
Don't
know
if
that's
a
term
that
you've
heard
much
I
love
it,
because
the
idea
is
you're.
D
Making
two
people
fight
over
a
bunk
bed
right,
double
bunking
is
when
you
draw
two
incumbents
into
the
same
district
and
they
have
to
compete
with
each
other
and
I'll.
Just
tell
you
now:
none
of
the
plans
has
any
double
bunking,
so
they're,
all
equally
respectful
and
incumbents,
in
that
sense
and
partisanship
I,
just
don't
take
to
be
an
issue
here
in
Boston,
so
we
won't
talk
about
it
unless
you'd
like
okay.
So
here
are
your
proposals
by
the
metrics
and
I
have
much
more
detailed
numbers
on
this.
D
This
is
my
summary
for
you,
but
I
also
have
spreadsheets
with
with
more
details
again.
My
summary
is,
these
plans
are
way
more
alike
than
they
are
different.
So
here's
what
I
did
the
top
row
here
is
the
Benchmark
plan
and
I
wrote
down
its
compactness
scores.
It's
supposedly
popper,
it's
react
and
it's
cut
edges
scores.
D
All
five
plans
beat
The
Benchmark
on
all
three
scores:
I've
never
seen
that
book.
So
that
is
to
say
I.
Just
don't
think
compactness
should
be
the
way
that
you're
deciding
among
these
proposals.
I
would
consider
all
of
these
plans
to
be
highly
compact
in
the
context
of
Boston
redistricting
and
not
meaningfully
different
from
each
other.
Again.
I
can
give
you
the
numbers
that
back
that
up,
but
I
chose
to
represent
that
with
check
marks
because
I
don't
think
that's.
It
needs
to
be
the
focus
here
today.
The
top
to
bottom
population
deviation.
D
The
Benchmark
had
become
Mal
portions.
That
happens
of
course,
over
the
span
of
10
years,
people
move
so
it
had
grown
to
almost
28
top
to
bottom
deviation
and
all
the
five
proposals
bring
that
down
under
the
usual
National
Standard
of
10.
So
the
Murphy
proposal
is
the
closest
to
balance
with
just
2.85
deviation.
From
top
to
bottom,
so
that's
very
tightly
balanced
for
a
local
plan.
The
one
with
the
most
deviation
well,
I
guess
both
Baker
and
Brandon.
Morale
have
9.22
still
under
that
10,
which
is
the
usual
deviation
standard.
D
So
it's
usually
10
without
a
good
reason,
but
you
can
you
definitely
see
a
lot
of
plans
go
over
10
percent
that
have
some
sort
of
story
behind
the
excess
deviation,
so
10
you
can
go
up
to
10
without
a
reason,
and
then
you
need
a
reason.
D
I
think
so
you
know
West
Virginia
Hawaii
have
much
higher
deviation
and
why
it's
because
they're
trying
to
keep
Islands
full,
you
know.
So
there
are
reasons
that
that
have
been
found,
persuasive
by
courts
to
go
to
higher
deviation.
D
Okay,
so
here's
the
displacement
figures.
So
all
these
numbers
are
under
10.
That
means
each
of
these
five
plans
keeps
more
than
nine
out
of
ten
bostonians
in
the
same
districts
they
weren't
before
each
of
these
plants
preserves
more
than
90
percent.
D
The
numbers
differ
from
each
other
a
little
bit,
but
I
tell
you
from
my
experience,
working
with
redistricting
plans
around
the
country.
These
are
all
very
low
displacement
numbers
and
that
feeds
into
what
you
see
in
the
next
column.
So
I
was
just
given
these
plans.
You
know
less
than
two
days
ago
ran
some
quick
numbers
haven't
had
a
lot
of
chance
to
do
a
more
detailed
election
analysis,
but
I
want
to
talk
about
why
that
might
be
helpful
to
you.
D
What
I
did
have
on
hand
was
the
recent
Boston
mayoral
primary,
and
so
what
you
see
here
is
in
The
Benchmark
plan.
That
is
the
one
from
the
last
cycle
in
each
of
the
nine
districts.
This
is
who
placed
first
and
who
placed
second
so
district,
one
woo
followed
by
George
and
so
on.
Can
you
read
that
or
you
have
it
on
your
handout?
D
I
was
really
struck
by
the
fact.
So
that's
that's
18
names,
two
people
times
nine
districts
is
18
names.
I
was
I,
was
really
struck
by
the
plan
that
by
the
fact
that
in
almost
all
of
the
districts
in
all
five
proposals,
there's
no
change
so
they're
electorally,
really
quite
similar
to
each
other
into
the
Benchmark
right
to
a
degree
that
I
found
quite
striking.
D
The
differences
are
that
three
of
the
plans
instead
of
Wu
and
then
George
would
have
had
George
finish
ahead
of
Wu
in
District
Two.
That's
it!
That's
the
only
difference
across
all
the
districts
and
all
the
planets,
and
so
I
took
a
little
bit
of
a
closer
look
at
those
primary
numbers.
To
look
for
other
trends
that
I
could
in
that
single
election
and
here's
an
interesting
one
that
I
noticed.
D
You
won't
be
surprised
to
hear
that
their
turnout
disparities
around
the
city
in
The
Benchmark
plan,
District
Six
had
the
highest
turnout
again
in
the
same
mayoral
primary
of
over
20
000
votes,
while
District
8
had
the
lowest
turnout
with
just
about
7
300
votes.
So
that's
a
factor
of
2.8,
so
District
Six
has
2.8
times
the
number
of
votes
cast
as
as
District
8..
D
All
five
of
the
other
plans
have
the
same
highest
turnout,
district
and
the
same
lowest
turnout,
District,
it's
always
six,
it's
the
highest.
It's
always
eight!
That's
the
lowest
and
the
factor
by
which
six
turns
out
more
votes
than
eight
is
recorded
here,
and
it's
always
between
2.7
and
3.2
times.
So
this
is
just
another
way
of
saying
that
the
Electoral
features
of
these
plans
are.
D
M
D
Them
I'll
mention
it's
probably
obvious,
but
I'll
mention
factors
that
contribute
to
turnout,
difference,
our
eligibility
to
vote,
citizenship,
registration
to
vote
and
then,
of
course,
decision
to
go
voter
engagement.
So
there
are
different
factors
that
contribute
to
turnout.
You
expect
to
see
lower
turnout
and
more
heavily
immigrant
communities,
and
so
none
of
this
is
super
surprising,
but
a
three
times
factor
is
fairly
high
in.
D
Yeah
absolutely
so,
okay
other
than
this,
as
I
said
before,
all
plans
are
contiguous
and
unpair
incumbents
and
so
I
have
more
information
on
this
kind.
But
to
me
this
was
like
a
Top
Line
summary
to
show
you
some
of
the
features
of
these
any.
A
N
Just
one
question,
and
also
if
I
could
just
find,
is
being
reported
for
folks
to
try
and
talk
to
them
to
this
Supermarket
when
they're
speaking,
but
the
top
to
bottom
population
engaging
Benchmark,
which
is
like
a
wild
27.99.
Is
that
where
we
are
right
now,
is
that
what,
when
you
say,
because
Benchmark
for
me
is
like
the
best?
Oh.
D
L
L
D
D
It's
an
opportunity
to
do
things
differently,
but
it's
also
an
opportunity
to
keep
what
works,
and
so
that's
that's
the
tension
that
you
face,
as
I
mentioned
before,
I've
seen,
poor
retention
used
as
an
excuse
not
to
pursue
important
and
legally
required
racial
fairness
goals
and
that
wouldn't
be
best
practices
by
a
long
shot.
But
there
are,
as
I
mentioned
before,
also
good
reasons
to
want
to
displace
fewer
people.
Voter
confusion
is
one
having
people
show
up
at
the
wrong
policies
or
just
confused
about
where
to
vote.
D
M
I,
have
one
question:
can
you
go
back
to
turnout
and.
M
D
D
D
Just,
let
me
quit
out
of
this
for
a
moment
and
switch
to
so
I
have
some
much
more
precise
information
about
the
the
districts
that
I
I'm
happy
to
make
available
to
you,
and
you
can
see
here
how
turnout
varies
if
you
can
see
this
over
the
districts
in
each
of
the
plans,
so
you
can
tab
through
the
different
plans
and
look
at
how
turnout
varies.
D
Really.
The
reason
I
put
that
in
there
is
partly
to
say
that
in
every
single
statistic
that
I
looked
at
all
these
plans
are
more
alike
than
different.
I
was
looking
for
ways
to
really
make
to
find
important
distinctions
between
the
plans
and
I
chose
to
turn
your
attention
to
this
kind
of
thing,
partly
because
I
know
from
watching
city
council
redistricting
play
out
around
the
country
that
instead
there's
often
a
lot
of
focus
on
these
numbers,
which
are
the
the
population
numbers
by
race
and
ethnicity
across
the
different
districts.
D
I
will
talk
about
that.
In
a
moment,
people
pay
a
lot
of
attention
to
which
districts
are
over
50
percent
to
whether
you
combine
different
racial
groups
or
keep
them
separate
and
so
on
and
part
part
of
what
I
wanted
to
do
with
my
framing
was
turn
your
attention
away
from
those
demographic
numbers
and
look
at
a
little
bit
of
the
engagement
numbers
and
the
more
kind
of
look
at
what
the
Electoral
history
has
to
tell
you
about
the
effectiveness
of
those
districts.
M
D
Perfect,
thank
you
yeah.
It's
it's
in
the
Voting
Rights
Act
framework,
Senate
Factor
five
looks
at
whether
there
are
historical
differences
in
the
in
in
the
ease
of
participation
for
different
groups.
Okay,.
D
D
D
It's
actually
kind
of
interesting.
If
you
look
at
the
history,
one
of
the
strong
advocates
in
the
1980s
for
strengthening
the
Voting
Rights
Act
was
Strom.
Thurman
I
mean
it's
got
a
really
interesting
history
of
people
all
over
the
country,
people
who
would
surprise
you
working
on
keeping
that
law
strong,
but
now
the
law
is
under
a
threat.
The
Supreme
Court
just
heard
a
case.
This
Alabama
case
we
were
talking
about
just
two
weeks
ago
and
we
don't
know
the
future
of
the
VRA.
D
H
D
Right
yeah,
it's
a
Voting,
Rights
Act
lawsuit
against
Alabama's
congressional
districts,
saying
that
they
need
to
draw
a
second
district
in
which
black
voters
have
an
opportunity
to
elect
candidates
of
their
choice.
Three
judge
panel
of
two
Trump
appointees
and
a
Reagan
appointee
found.
G
N
D
In
in
no
uncertain
terms
and
the
Supreme
Court
interview
really
yeah,
it's
a
it's
a
pretty
wild
case
causing
a
lot
of
heartburn.
So.
H
D
I
drew
the
maps,
yeah
I
can
tell
you
all
about
it,
but
let's
go
back
to
Boston
for
a.
N
Yes,
set
apart
from
saying,
Congressional
Medical
practice.
We
can
kind
of
Chase
voting
patterns
in
a
way
these
are
non-partisan.
People
who
can
vote
Republican
Democratic
depends.
That's
not
who
you
are,
does
that
in
any
way
shape
reform
impact
redistricting
in
the
sense
that
you
know?
How
is
that
going
to
be
announced
this
at
all,
whether
it's
part
of
something
yeah.
D
It's
a
good
question.
One
of
the
big
fronts
of
activity
on
the
Voting
Rights
Act
is
the
race
versus
party
question:
are
people's
polarization
patterns
driven
more
by
race
or
party
for
local
redistricting?
You
don't
have
that
hurdle,
and
so
it
actually
makes
the
law
clearer
and
easier
to
use
when
it
comes
to
nonpartisan
races.
It's
been
a
real
on
the
side
of
defendants
for
VRA
cases.
The
resources
party
question
has
been
used
to
raise
the
burden
on
plaintiffs.
N
D
What
I
mean
is
that
it's
become
a
burden
on
plaintiffs
in
party
ID
cases
to
show
that
the
polarization
patterns
have
more
to
do
with
race
than
they
have
to
do
with
party,
and
so
distinct
today,
in
America,
race
and
party
are
very
conjoined
in
terms
of
people's
voting
preferences,
especially
in
state
like
Alabama,
and
you
have
to
show,
as
a
plaintiff
in
in
a
state
like
that,
that
the
patterns
that
you
see
are
driven
more
by
race
than
by
part.
A
plaintiff
wouldn't
have
to
show
that
in
a
non-partisan
election.
D
Okay,
but
here's
the
real
important
thing
I
wanted
to
say
about
VRA,
because
this
is
the
most
common
misunderstanding
that
I
hear
when
I
talk
about
this.
The
idea
that
the
VRA
is
about
majority
minority
districts
is
a
misunderstanding
of
the
VRA
as
it
stands
today.
So.
G
D
Require
the
drawing
of
majority
minority
districts,
except
as
What's
called
the
jingles
one
test
in
the
early
stages
of
litigation.
At
the
end
of
the
day,
a
VRA
challenge
produces
districts
that
are
shown
to
be
effective,
and
that
is
irrespective
of
whether
their
minority
percentage
is
60
or
40,
and
I
can
tell
you
that
from
working
around
the
country
and
doing
a
lot
of
this
polarization
analysis,
it
just
varies.
D
For
example,
working
in
Louisiana
I
can
tell
you
a
district
can
be
effective
for
the
preferences
of
black
voters
in
the
New
Orleans
area,
with
30
black
population
in
the
Baton
Rouge
area
it
takes
40
to
50
and
in
Shreveport
it
takes
60.,
and
so
this
is,
it
really
just
has
to
do
with
the
people
who
are
there
with
their
preferences
with
crossover
voting
patterns,
and
this
is
why
I
think
the
the
strongest
thing-
okay,
I
didn't
put
this
on
this
slide.
D
It's
on
a
later
slide,
but
one
of
the
strongest
messages
I
have
for
you
when
you
think
about
racial
fairness
in
your
plan
is
don't
get
wedded
to
the
percentages
of
voting
age
population.
Look
at
whether
the
district
can
be
effective
for
for
people's
preferences
and
that's
why
I
always
advise
people
to
look
at
the
Electoral
history
I
think
that's
gonna!
It's
not
gonna
Lead
You
astray!.
D
So
the
test
of
Effectiveness
in
a
legal
context
is,
do
we
have?
Should
we
believe
that
the
preferred
candidate
would
have
a
chance
of
being
elected?
That's
what
that
means,
and
usually
the
way
that's
approved
is
by
doing
just
what
I
did
before
with
the
Boston
mayoral
primary.
You
look
at
past
elections
and
you
look
at
who
would
have
won
and
if
you
can
show
that
the
community's
preferred
candidate
would
have
won
in
past
elections.
That's
a
certification
that
you've
built
an
effective
District.
H
D
D
So
this
involves
statistical
tests
to
show
who
the
preferred
candidate
of
each
group
is,
and
then
you
look
at
the
Historical
elections
and
show
if
they
would
have
won.
So
this
is
the
kind
of
analysis
that
I'm
doing
all
the
time
and
all
over
the
country
it's
less
subjective
than
it
sounds.
It's
actually
become
fairly
well
developed,
fairly
concrete
with
a
lot
of
consensus
about
the
methods.
H
Well,
in
Boston,
most
of
the
not
all
when
we
have
a
couple
precincts
that
are
all
you
know,
the
downtown
the
downtown
districts
are
pretty
white,
but
the
neighborhood
District's
down
in
the
south
and
they're
all
they're
to
me.
They're
all
Coalition
districts
you
have
to
you-
have
to
be
able
to
get
into
four
or
five
different
communities,
neighborhoods
interests,
and
it
so
like
how
much
if
something.
H
D
D
D
It
says,
there's
actually
I
put
here
in
a
little
print
at
the
bottom
there.
You
know
you
don't
need
to
worry
about
that,
except
if
you
want
there's,
there's
hundreds
of
pages
worth
of
evidence
that
have
to
be
brought
by
plaintiffs
to
bring
a
VRA
challenge
right,
and
so
you
have
to
show
you
know,
turnout
differences.
You
have
to
show
histories
of
discrimination.
You
have
to
show
all
kinds
of
things
voting
polarization
you
have
to
show
that
it's
possible
to
create
an
additional
District
that
could
have
been
majority
minority.
H
D
Here's
what
I'm
saying
to
you
about
that
when
you're
thinking
about
your
VRA
responsibility,
you
also
you
want
to
be
sure
that
you're
compliant
with
the
VRA,
and
that
means
that
you
want
to
be
sure
that
you
have
districts
that
will
withstand
the
challenge.
H
L
Thank
you
so
just
for
some
clarity
here
right
so
in
our
particular
situation
that
we
find
ourselves
in
there's
a
district.
We
have
two
districts,
two
that
needs
to
shed
three
that
needs
to
grow
and
both
of
those
districts
have
tradition.
L
To
my
knowledge
have
never
had
representation
of
people
of
color
right,
but
they
do
serve
a
high
population
of
people
of
color.
So
if
we're
looking
through
the
the
norms
and
and
what
we
have
known
historically,
if
the
goal
is
to
increase
opportunity,
you
know
what
are
your
thoughts
around
kind
of
what
this
moment
means
for
increasing
those.
D
D
The
state
supreme
court
chose
a
plan
that
went
up
from
six
to
seven
majority
black
Senate
districts
and
the
U.S
Supreme
Court
stepped
in
and
said:
why
did
you
go
for
50
percent
right?
So
the
way
not
to
increase
opportunity
is
to
chase
persons.
That's
actually
really
important.
We'll
just
finish
that
super
quick.
If
you
focus
on
what
can
be
effective,
that's
much
more
I.
Think
I
say
this
on
the
next
slide:
yeah
much
more
granular,
usable
and
legally
defensible
is
the
use
of
of
election
history.
D
So
I,
just
I
I
feel
that
in
the
interest
of
protect,
I
know
that
this
is
a
city
council
that
wants
to
think
wants
to
put
racial
fairness,
concerns
front
and
center.
As
you
think
about
that,
be
careful
not
to
chase
percentages,
it's
both
the
wrong
way
to
get
more
opportunity
and
get
you
in
in
potential
legal
trouble.
D
N
J
J
What
what
impact
do
we
consider
for
persons
with
disabilities?
Are
they
factored
into
this
discussion
at
all,
as
it
relates
to
how
change
might
impact
persons
with
disabilities?
And
if
so,
what
are
we
looking
at?
In
what
factors
would
we
want
to
make
sure
that
we
preserve
to
make
sure
that
persons
with
disabilities
have
equal
access
not
just
to
to
voting,
but
also
that
that
they're
also
included
to
make
sure
that
their
voices
are
also
heard
in
their
representation.
D
So
I
would
say
that
the
example
of
taking
into
account
access
for
voters
with
disabilities
and
effective
representation.
That
principle
would
be
recognized
as
a
compelling
government
interest,
but
it's
not
part
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act
framework,
which
specifically
started
out
being
about
race
and
then
was
amended
in
the
70s
and
80s
and
expanded
to
include
ethnicity
and
language.
And
that's
that's
it.
That's
the
umbrella
that
the
Voting
Rights
Act
covers
race,
ethnicity
and
language
minorities.
Those
are
the
groups
covered
by
the
VRA.
D
J
Or
is
it
something
that
we
should
be
aware
of
when
we
are
making
these
changes?
The
reason
I
do
say
it:
I
am
from
the
disabilities.
Community
I'm,
a
disabled,
veteran
I,
represent
a
lot
of
disabled
residents
as
well,
but
they're
asking
me
what
impact
would
this
have
on
on
them
as
it
relates
to
equal
access
to
voting,
but
also
equal
access
to
physical
location,
to
your
elected
official
and
for
a
lot
of
disa
people
with
disabilities.
J
D
Consideration
to
have
on
the
table
not
I,
think
it
might
be
better
incorporated
into
your
thinking
about
polling
places
and
accessibility
about
Staffing
more
than
about
the
districts
themselves,
but
all
I
was
doing
at
this
point
is
emphasizing
that
the
VRA
is
fairly
specific
in
its
coverage,
but
that
it
doesn't
preclude
and
somewhere
in
these
slides,
I
point
this
out.
The
VRA
doesn't
give
you
license
to
ignore
the
other
traditional
districting
principles.
D
Absolutely
I
actually
and
if
you're
interested
I
could
give
you
a
list
of
examples
of
things
that
courts
have
considered
to
be
reasonable
in
under
the
COI
Framing
and
things
that
courts
have
projected.
But
health
concerns
specifically
have
been
frequently
cited
by
courts
as
legitimate
Community
considerations.
A
N
A
question
on
the
50
line
in
terms
of
that,
what
we're
talking
about
is
specifically
more
than
50
percent
of
a
specific
race,
with
sort
of
right,
where
we're
talking.
D
About
that
right,
well,
okay,
no
I'm,
not
suggesting
that
50
is
a
line
over
which
you're
packed
I'm,
suggesting
that
you
have
to
look
at
the
voting
consequences
of
the
district
that
you've
drawn
to
decide
whether
you're
packed.
So
what
pact
usually
means
is
more
of
a
minority
group
than
was
needed
for
Effective
opportunities,
excess
yeah.
D
D
That's
right
and
I
think
one
of
the
big
questions
facing
you-
and
this
has
already
come
up
in
this
discussion-
is
the
question
of
Coalition
building
right
and
that's
fundamental
to
thinking
about
opportunity.
Groups
don't
exist
in
silos.
They
often
coalesce
around
particular
candidates
and
sometimes
deviate,
and
you
have
to
look
at
the
specific
history
of
your
District
to
understand
how
that
happens.
The
phrase
that's
often
used
for
that
in
the
VRA
case
law
is
that
groups
are
expected
to
pull
haul
and
trade
with
other
groups.
D
N
So
I
guess
the
question
for
me
on
that
is.
A
follow-up
is
based
on
what
you're
saying
in
the
framework
it's
sort
of
the
percentage
of
like
people
of
color
that
are
specifically
black
Hispanic
Latino
Asian.
The
combination
of
that
can
be
taken
into
account
also
when
you're
talking
about
packing.
Sometimes,
yes,
one
you'd
be
great.
You
didn't
do
50
of
this,
but
overall,
all
of
a
sudden,
it's
all
packed
into
one
district,
and
it's
all
people
with
other
people
understand
that
would.
D
D
N
D
I
B
D
You
bet
so
majority
minority
usually
means
that
when
you
look
at
the
VAP,
which
is
voting
age
population
and
that's
tabulated
by
the
Census
Bureau,
they
give
you
the
VAP
in
every
block
majority
minority
means
that
whichever
minority
group
you're
focusing
on
makes
up
more
than
half
of
that
adult
population.
D
Actually
could
be
either
so
I'm
working
in
Texas
on
behalf
of
black
Latino
and
Asian
voters,
all
in
Coalition
together
in
other
states.
You
could
not
have
a
successful
Coalition
claim
because
there
isn't
enough
cohesion
between
the
groups.
D
So
here
in
Massachusetts
there
was
a
claim
in
law
that
maybe
some
of
you
followed
brought
on
behalf
of
Latino
and
Asian
voters
together,
and
that
resulted
in
the
consent
decree
that
gave
Lowell
its
first
districts
ever
but
around
the
country,
whether
the
circuit
courts,
respect
Coalition
claims
varies
a
lot,
so
it
can
be
difficult
to
mount
a
coalition
claim.
But
sometimes
you
have
very
clear
patterns
of
shared
preferences
and
that's
what
makes
a
coalition
claim
succeed.
A
I
D
Yes,
you've
got
that
it's
called
an
RPV
or
racial
polarization
for
racially
polarized
voting.
Rpv
analysis
when
you
first
demonstrate
that
a
group
has
cohesive
preferences
and
that
two
groups
may
be
cohesive
with
each
other.
That's
you
do
that.
First,
you
try
to
figure
out
which
are
the
groups
that
are
in
Coalition,
then
once
you've
identified
a
cohesive
minority,
then
you're
off
and
running
and
can
think
about
Effectiveness
for
that
group.
But
if
you're
absolutely
right.
First,
you
have
to
decide
which
is
the
group
that
whose
preferences
are
aligned
you
know
also
I
should
mention.
D
I
mentioned
that
the
Voting
Rights
Act
has
this
kind
of
checklist
of
conditions
before
it
can
be
used,
and
it
has
these
things
called
Jingles
one
Jingles,
two
Jingles
three.
Without
going
into
any
detail,
I
know:
that's
it's
wonderful!.
D
So
Jingles
2
is
cohesion
for
your
minority
group.
Jingles
3
says
they
have
to
be
opposed
by
the
majority.
They
have
to
have
their
preferences
blocked
by
the
majority,
because
if
you
have
everyone
voting
the
same
way,
there's
no
VRA
issue
right,
so
polarization
doesn't
just
mean
cohesion
for
the
minority,
but
also
that
the
majority
opposes
those
those
preferences.
That's
part
of
a
VRA.
D
Vr
actually
can
I
just
say
this
is
really
important.
I
said
this
early,
but
I
want
to
emphasize
again
I'm
a
math
professor
and
I'm
a
frequent
expert
in
these
cases,
but
I
just
want
you
to
understand
that
I'm,
not
an
attorney
I'm,
not
presenting
myself
as
an
attorney
not
trying
to
offer
legal
advice,
but
I
am
very
qualified
to
tell
you
all
about
the
kinds
of
tests
that
we
use
to
measure
these
things
and
the
way
it's
been
playing
out
in
court.
N
N
D
For
instance,
you
could
look
at
primaries
and
within
Democratic
primaries,
because
today,
all
around
the
country,
people
of
color
tend
to
for
Democratic
candidates
at
this
moment.
If
you
look
at
Democratic
primaries
and
you
do
a
statistical
analysis
to
see
if
minority
groups
prefer
certain
candidates,
while
white
voters
prefer
different
candidates,
that's
one
way
to
do
it
right
is
to
look
at
the
primaries.
D
It's
important
to
say,
though,
that
in
cases
where
you
have,
as
in
most
of
the
country,
you
have
a
primary
and
then
a
competitive
general
election,
which
is
maybe
the
case
here
in
Boston,
but
you'd
have
to
show
to
get
your
Jingles
through
to
get.
This
might
be
too
much
in
the
weeds,
but
I'm
going
to
tell
you
anyway.
You'd
have
to
show
that
the
white
voters,
not
necessarily
they
don't,
have
to
disagree
with
the
minority
group
in
the
primary.
B
A
A
F
Course,
thank
you
so
much
for
all
of
the
information
that
you've
given
us
today,
I
think
that
I
have
more
of
a
statement
than
a
question
more
so
around
Effectiveness,
because
I
think
that
we're
you
know
we're
trying
to
Define
these
terms
and
get
clear
about
it.
F
It's
super
majority
white
District,
but
in
terms
of
Effectiveness
the
way
that
it
was
drawn
in
the
other
redistricting
map
it
made
it
so
that
the
minority
groups
right
like
these,
the
Coalition
of
minority
groups,
had
an
effective
chance
at
electing
their
preferred
candidate.
And
historically,
if
you
go
back,
you
can
see
this
issue
of
blocking
right
of
like
people
of
color
running
wanting
to
represent
it
and
then
being
blocked
by
the
majority
previously,
and
then
there
was
redistricted
and
now
all
of
a
sudden,
it's
an
effective
District.
D
I
would
say:
that's
the
way
you
described
it.
That's
a
that's!
A
VRA
success
story
it
because
it's
it's
just
not
about
getting
to
a
certain
percentage,
it's
about
sort
of
who
can
be
elected
out
of
the
district
if
they're,
strong
and
run
well
right,
great,
so
I
think
this
is
also
what
I
wanted
to
say.
M
I
have
one
question:
when
we're
talking
about
you
know:
majority
minority
districts
we're
looking
about
back
at
local
elections.
Are
we
because
I
see
that
you
placed
out
in
the
mayor's
race?
The
change
in
you
know
who
who
won?
Are
we
taking
a
look
at
that
election
history
or
the
percentage
of
each
candidate
and
how
they
win
and
taking
that
and
consideration?
If
we
are
like
how
we
taking
that
to
factor
in
you
know,
if
it's
more.
D
So
if
you
only
go
back
to
that,
can
so
if
you
were
to
do
a
full
RPV
analysis
again,
I
got
these
districts
less
than
two
days
ago,
so
I
haven't
been
able
to
do
a
full
analysis,
but
if
you
were
to
do
a
full
RPV
analysis,
what
you
might
do
is
look
across
the
districts
and
do
a
little
bit
of
statistical
testing
to
figure
out
who
was
the
preferred
candidate
of
various
minority
groups
in
that
district,
and
so,
for
instance,
you
might
find
that
well,
I'm
not
going
to
speculate,
but
you
go
through
and
figure.
D
D
And
so
you
know
what
you
see
here
is
that
three
of
the
maps
strengthen
George
over
Wu
in
District,
Two,
And,
so
you'd
look
and
ask
in
District
Two
who
was
the
preferred
candidate
of
the
minority
group.
If
the
preferred
candidate
of
the
minority
group
was
George,
then
that's
an
improvement.
If
woo
then
you've
slightly
weakened
opportunity
for
the
minority
group,
that's
how
that
would
go.
D
If
that
makes
sense,
so
you'd
have
to
do
a
very
local
look
at
who
the
preferred
candidate
is
and-
and
let
me
just
give
you
one
tiny
little
sentence
on
what
that
looks
like
to
do
that
test.
So
you'd
look
at
the
precincts
because
we
don't
break
votes
down
below
the
precinct.
We
have
secret
ballot.
D
But
it's
what
we
call
in
statistics.
It's
a
missing
data
problem.
We
don't
know
how
individuals
voted.
We
have
to
infer
it
from
the
precinct
patterns
and
I
have
been
asked
to
do
this
in
places
where
I
have
to
go
back
and
tell
the
attorneys
look.
The
patterns
just
aren't
there
in
across
the
precincts
and
then
in
other
places,
where
it's
so
clear
that
that
everybody
agrees,
and
so
you
really
have
to
look
in
particular
at
what
you
see
and
yeah.
D
That's
something
that
could
be
done
again
with
fairly
standard
tools
and
would
probably
not
take
too
long
to
do.
But
that's
how
it
would
look.
D
N
N
D
D
I
J
A
B
D
Because
it
really
helps
that
you're
building
out
a
whole
Precinct.
Thank
you
for
that
that
helps
you.
Do
this
analysis.
You
don't
have
to
try
to
allocate
the
votes
across
split
precincts,
so
yeah
we
could
run
an
RPV.
That's
District
specific
based
on
electoral
history,.
D
It's
my
lab.
Actually,
we've
built
our
own
software,
that
does
it.
It
can
be
done
pretty
quickly.
The
hardest
part
of
an
RPV
very
often
is,
but
I
did
get
clean
data
yesterday.
L
Students,
so
sometimes
I
get
ahead
of
myself
and
the
professor
tells
me
I'm,
acting
up
in
class
hope,
I'm,
not
being
disruptive
in
regards
to
District
three,
though,
when
you're
doing
this
analysis,
I'm
not
sure
how
many
candidates
of
color
have
ran
in
that
District.
L
H
Can't
yeah
because
I
don't
know
so
10
years
ago,
my
original
District
included
all
of
Saint
Greg's.
They
were,
they
were
even
well
now,
even
more
so
they
were
three
heavy
black
precincts
I
dropped
three
minority
opponents
in
redistrating
last
time,
all
coming
from
an
original
District,
which
I
would
argue.
G
H
Campbell
came
out
of
those
precincts
that
I
lost
Stephanie
Everett
was
in
there
Meredith
too,
with
those
those
are
three
big
names
that
would
that
would
definitely
complete,
compete
in
District
three
another.
Another
question
that
I
have
this
seems
very
is
it
are
we
just?
Is
this
whole
exercise
just
about
figuring
out
how
minority
candidates
get
ahead.
H
A
little
bit
when
people
say
District,
2,
District
3
have
only
been
represented
by
white
people
and
that
to
me
shows
commitment
to
community
I
mean
I've,
been
here
12
years,
I'm
committed
the
person
before
me
was
18
years.
The
person
before
then
was
12
years
like
there's
a
real
commitment
there.
So
it
feels
like
the
charges.
H
H
Don't
necessarily
agree
with
all
the
work
that
happened
10
years
ago,
told
you
where
I
specifically
disagree.
I
think
if
I
took
those
precincts
back,
that's
where
someone
would
come
out
of
because
they
have
they
there's
a
commonality
on
this
side
of
Saint
in
Saint
Greg's,
with
this
side,
Saint
Saint,
Brendan,
Saint,
Anne's,
I,
think
there'd
be
commonality
there
and
I
think
people
would
be
more
than
open
to
vote
like
Andrea,
quick
Campbell
could
win
district
three
easy
easy
something
like
that
so
so
to
to
have
this
charge
about.
H
How
do
we
it
feels
like?
How
do
we
Aken?
You
said
not
to
look
percentages?
How
do
we
weaken
some
place
that
there's
commonality
in
in
the
Spanish
language,
in
the
Chinese
language,
between
the
south
end
and
Chinatown
and
South
Boston
the
housing
developments,
if
one
map
Cuts
those
housing
developments
in
half
I
believe
there's
I
believe
there's
real
opportunities
in
District
3
for
someone
to
run,
but
but
it's
still
not.
D
O
C
C
D
D
Absolutely
and
I
wanted
to
just
agree
with
your
point
that
one
of
the
big
X
factors
when
you
do
this
kind
of
work
is
candidate
availability
in
the
future.
You
don't
know
who's
going
to
run,
and
sometimes
it's
circular,
you
draw
the
districts
and
that
helps
decide
who's
going
to
run
at
all
right,
and
so
it's
a
it's.
A
circular
prediction
exercise
it's
hard
to
do,
but
the
most
trusted
the
most
reliable
way
to
do.
This
is
nonetheless
to
look
at
electoral
history.
That's
the
that's!
The
industry
standard
way
to
do
this.
Work.
L
To
have
you
right,
I
was
I,
didn't
get
to
finish
my
thought,
but
I'm
glad
that
you
made
that
important
distinction,
because
it
is
really
about
people's
ability
to
kind
of
see
themselves
and
that
ability
to
actually
be
able
to
run
and
win
right.
But
historically,
when
you
look
at
certain
districts,
the
highest
percentage
of
people
who
turn
out
in
certain
areas
and
look-
and
you
know,
and
in
communities
of
color,
we
have
a
lower
turnout.
L
L
Right,
so
there
is
something
to
be
said
about
it's
great
to
build
Coalition,
but
I
think
that
this
moment
is
really
about
creating
as
many
opportunities
for
people
to
elect
the
candidate
of
their
choice
right
and
so
that
is
the
exercise
and
that's
what
we've
been
charged
here
with
and
I
think
it's
important
for
us
to
continue
to
remind
ourselves
of
that
charge
and
what
I'm
curious,
if
you
could
just
speak
to
in
my
personal
opinion,
it
is.
This
has
become
more
personal
and
I'm
curious.
D
You
been
following
La
it.
No
it's
just
the
the
light
and
heat
around
redistraging
in
this
cycle
is
intense
and
you
know
we're
seeing
the
the
legal
goal
posts
are
moving
and
so
it
you
know
these.
D
About
how
to
pursue
fairness
are
happening
everywhere
and
I'm
delighted
to
be
a
part
of
this
conversation
today,
because
I
know
that
that
you're
thinking
about
this
in
ways
that
are
important,
let
me
just
quickly
mention
I-
was
the
Census
Bureau
puts
out
estimates
of
turnout
by
race
for
every
state
around
the
country
and
I
was
really
shocked
to
see
that
Massachusetts
has
one
of
the
biggest
gaps
way
bigger
than
some
old
South
States
way
bigger
than
Georgia
as
big
as
Texas,
so
you're,
absolutely
right.
There
there
are.
D
Well,
I
continue
the
numbers,
but
what
what
I
was
looking
at,
because
I
was
looking
at
it
in
the
context
of
of
the
Texas
litigation,
is,
was
looking
at
a
black
Latino
and
Asian
compared
to
White,
but
all
to
say,
that's
another
reason
to
trust
these
kinds
of
numbers,
because
these
show
you
who
actually
shows
up
at
the
polls
and
cast
a
vote.
So
it
takes
that
turnout
differential
into
account
and
that's
another
thing.
You
don't
see
if
you're
just
focused
on
those
voting
age
percentage
numbers.
D
So
this
is
you
know
this
is
my
pitch
to
you
is
yes,
look
at
the
voting
age
percentage
numbers
because
they're
part
of
the
picture,
but
don't
trust
those
to
tell
you
which
districts
are
going
to
be
effective.
Look
at
the
votes!
That's
that's
actually
really
I!
Think
if
you
take
one
thing
away,
that's
what
I
hope
that
it
might
be
so
I
think
we've
reached
the
end
of
what
I
had
prepared
to
tell
you
about.
I.
Have
my
contact
information
here
so
I'd
be
happy
to
be
a
resource.
D
C
A
D
Very
pleased
with
that
we
just
think
of
ourselves,
as
as
kind
of
data
science
for
civil
rights
and
we're
kind
of
here
to
support
so
I
I
am
not
being
paid
by
the
city
council
in
any
capacity.
At
the
moment,
I
did
assist
the
Massachusetts
legislature,
particularly
the
state
senate,
with
its
redistricting
a
data
support
for
its
redistricting
this
cycle,
but
here
I'm
just
trying
to
kind
of
help
you
all
out
and
give
you
the
resources
that
you
need
to
meet
your
own
goals
and
aspirations.
D
N
A
M
H
A
Level,
40
9,
Minutes,
11,
40
reasons,
so
we
have.
We
have
one
hour
of
work
Wayne's
going
to
give
us
some
background
information
on.
A
I
think
what
what
I'd
like
to
do
is
go
through
the
maps
and
figure
out
where
we,
where
we
agree
and
then
hopefully
nail
it
down
to
a
a
you,
know,
prefix
and
contention
of
where
this
consensus
and
agreement
and
then
take
it,
go
forward
from
there.
G
Yes,
thank
you
so
just
through
the
chair,
hi
counselors
would
just
want
to
update
and
clarify
Professor
duchin.
Our
office
has
been
trying
to
get
in
contact
for
the
past
couple
of
months,
I
think
just
as
soon
as
our
office
took
over
being
chair,
Dr
duchin
has
been
very
busy
traveling
around
going
court
case
to
court
case
across
the
country.
G
I'm
very
grateful
to
have
her
here
today
and
help
run
some
preliminary
analyzes
do
also
want
to
let
counselors
know
that
we
made
this
request
of
the
law
department
and
attorney
Weiss,
who
they
have
been
working
with
attorney.
Weiss
has
a
partner
that
does
the
same
work
that
Dr
duchin
is
doing
and
has
been
doing
it
over
the
past
several
weeks.
The
past
couple
of
weeks,
I
think
and
they're
nearing
the
conclusion
of
that.
G
As
my
understanding
I
think,
the
representative
of
the
Law
Department
that
was
here
today
stepped
out
to
go
check
in
on
where
that
is
so
that
we
can
get
their
analysis
as
soon
as
possible,
so
that
I
just
wanted
to
make
that
clear,
so
that
we
don't
make
those
duplicative
requests
for
Dr
dutron.
To
then
start
today
making
those
analyzes
so
once
we
have
an
update
on
that
through
the
Law
Department,
we
will
share
that
with
all
counselors.
G
Just
what
Dr
duchin
discussed
on
City's
electoral
history
I
think
what
she
has
thus
far
is
2015
and
up
and
I
believe
what
the
Law
Department
sent
to
their
analyst,
who
is
working
with
attorney
Weiss,
goes
as
far
back
as
2010
2011
and
up
so
very
comprehensive
and
I.
Think
if
it
was
2010
to
2011,
it
would
include
the
current
districts
and
a
little
bit
of
the
districts
as
existed
prior
to
the
last
redistricting
cycle.
G
Just
any
any
like
sort
of
what
Dr
duchen
was
talking
about
of
Effectiveness
for
the
respective
districts
and
what
we
can
infer
from
that
and
information
for
counselors
to
be
taking
into
consideration
for.
G
A
Do
we
have
an
do?
We
have
an
estimated
time
of
arrival
for
any
of
this.
C
A
A
lot
of
departments
checking
in
where
they're
at
with
their
process
we're
going
to
go
to
the
map,
obtain
the
labels
off
the
doors
and
and
go
through
like
Precinct
Precinct
District
by
District,
like
where
we're
at.
H
What
we
like
and
what
we
don't
like
Madam
chair,
can
I
ask
him
a
quick
procedural
question
is
to
just
get
it
out
there
have
we
thought
about
pushing
the
buyers
button
and
maybe
getting
a
couple
more
weeks
here
or
a
month
or
to
be
able
to
digest
some
of
this?
Maybe
getting
a
little
more
out
to
the
community.
Tell
people
what
redistricting
is
we
we
don't
have
a
hard
date.
We
need
to
vote
on
this
act.
I
think
I.
H
Think
I
think
the
thing
that
we
should
do
is
hit
the
brakes
and
and
set
a
date.
That's
a
month
out.
That's
two
months.
Whatever
we
agree
on
and
because
I
think
these
affected
districts,
District
Four,
District,
three
District
Two,
they
have
a
right
for
us
to
go
out
and
give
a
presentation
like
the
professor
just
gave
us
and
an
overview
of
what
redistricting
is
and
and
that
sort
of
stuff
before
we
before
we.
A
A
That
doesn't
mean
it's
right:
I'm,
I'm,
I'm,
I'm,
not
sure
I
think
pushing
it
out.
We
need
to
have
a
year
between
this
map
being
voted
on
accepted
and
the
next
election.
So
that's
the.
H
H
A
H
G
H
Think
I
think
I
think
we're
I,
don't
think
we're
letting
people
know
what
redistricting
is
what
our
options
are.
There's
no
charge.
There's
someone
just
yelling
about
you
know
people
saying
this
is
what
we
should
be
doing,
isn't
a
charge.
We
weren't
set
up
with
any
time,
so
I
believe
we
need
to
hit
the
pause
button
on
this
whole
process.
Thank
you.
Thank.
J
Thank
you.
Thank
you,
madam
chair,
and
the
presentation
today
from
the
professor
from
the
professor
is
very
informative
to
me.
I
learned
a
lot
and
I
want
to
acknowledge
Madam
chair
that
the
amount
of
work
you've
done
in
in
three
weeks
or
or
a
month
has
has
been
significant.
J
The
amount
of
hearings
you've
had
encoding
going
out
into
the
communities,
but
I
I
would
also
like
us
to
have
in
the
interest
of
transparency
and
public
engagement
residents
weighing
in
on
this
on
on
these
proposals
and
really
studying
the
data
and
how
it
impacts
communities
of
color,
how
it
impacts,
immigrants
and
persons
with
disabilities
I
would
rather
get
it
done
right
than
than
get
it
done
now.
So
thank
you,
madam
Madam,
chair
for
giving
me
the
opportunity
to
give
my
opinion.
Thank.
A
L
Thank
you,
chair
and
I
just
want
to
uplift
that
for
me,
I've
been
in
community
I
was
in
South
Boston
earlier
this
week,
I
was
in
Roxbury
the
week
before
I
was
in
Dorchester
last
night,
so
when
we
think
about
being
in
community
and
I
was
in
Roxbury,
the
other
time
will
be
virtual
right.
So
when
I
think
about
the
efforts
that
I've
made
to
be
in
community
and
to
hear
from
folks
I
feel
like
we,
we
have
been
out
there
deep
in
community
with
folks
and
listening.
L
So
that's
number
one
and
number
two.
You
know
I
struggle
with
this
whole
idea
of
the
hurry
up
and
wait
syndrome
here
is
like
we
have
been
under.
Your
leadership,
have
held
countless
working
sessions,
public
hearings
and
have
put
a
lot
on
pause
in
regards
to
other
activities
on
the
council,
because
this
has
become
a
top
priority
for
us.
L
Because
we
have
a
mandate
and
I
think
let's
keep
going
through
this
process
and
move
things
along.
That's
my
question.
I
Thank
you,
madam
chair
on
the
timeline.
My
thoughts
would
be
so
I
think
that
I
think,
first
of
all,
there's
definitely
a
presumption
in
favor
of
us
trying
to
get
this
done
before
the
year
deadline,
just
because
I
think
that
you
know
in
matter
of
fact,
if
there
is
someone
thinking
about
running
for
Council
and
then
after
the
year
has
passed,
we
move
the
precinct
such
that
they're
in
a
different
District
than
they
anticipated.
I
You
know,
I
think
that,
obviously
that's
less
of
a
problem
as
long
as
there
was
no
malicious
intent
like
if
no
one
on
the
council
knows
about
those
people,
and
it's
just
bad
luck-
that
that
is
what
it
is.
But
and
most
people
are
not
going
to
move
within
a
week
in
order
to
be
in
the
right,
Council
District,
so
in
some
sense
it's
arbitrary,
but
in
some
sense
it's
real
right
and
so
I
think
like
if
there's
any
way
for
us
to
get
this
done
responsibly
in
advance
of
that
one-year
cut
off.
I
I
do
think,
like
the
onus
is
on
us
to
do.
That.
I
also
think
that
this
Council,
like
almost
everybody
I've,
ever
been
part
of
works
better
to
deadlines,
and
so,
like
my
instinct,
would
be
they
it.
We
should
keep
charging
hard
at
like,
let's
be
in
a
position
to
vote
Wednesday
like
failing
that.
Lets
me
in
position
vote
the
following:
Wednesday
like
feeling
like
I,
don't
think
we
should
be
sort
of
pushing
way
off
and
saying,
because
I
just
think.
Realistically,
we
all
know
there's
lots
of
pressing
business
to
the
city.
I
We've
already
delayed
a
lot
of
other
legislative
work
in
order
to
spend
legislative
time
on
this
and
there's
a
lot
of
things
that
either
need
to
pass
by
mid-December
or
else
will
be
refiled
in
the
new
year,
so
my
instinct
would
be.
We
should
keep
charging
at
it.
That
said,
I
do
think
that
the
effectiveness
analysis
analyzes
are
really
important.
C
I
I
think
that
making
sure
that
we
have
a
real
voter,
Effectiveness
analysis
for
both
D3
and
D4
and
frankly
D2,
which
there
was
a
suggestion
there
might
be
something
of
a
flip
and
a
couple
of
the
proposed
maps
to
me,
that's
important
so
I
mean
certainly
like
certainly
I
will
be
doing
Homespun
Effectiveness
analyzes
over
the
weekend,
and
we've
got
like
much
more
professional
folks
who
are
working
on
it
for
us
right
now.
I
So
I
think
where
I
agree
with
colleagues
who
are
saying
delay
is
like
is
simply
that
if
we
don't
have
those
numbers
and
I
know
counselor
Chen's
been
asking
for
them
for
a
while,
like
there
is
a
point
at
which
I
think
we
might
not
be
able
to
vote
on
Wednesday,
but
I.
Don't
think
that
us
saying
in
advance,
we
can't
get
there
from
here
is
going
to
help
us
get
there
if
that
makes
sense.
So
that
would
be
my
take.
B
A
Thank
you
one
tiny
word:
yeah
yeah.
Oh
sorry,
I.
A
K
You
chairs
to
be
in
this
room
and
I.
Think
everyone
who
knows
me
knows
that
I
love
deadlines,
I,
love
being
on
time,
I'm,
always
the
first
one
at
most
meetings,
so
I
I
would
appreciate
being
able
to
vote
on
Wednesday,
but
I
do
feel
I've
been
to
all
of
the
community
meetings
and
I've
been
to
the
virtual
meetings
and
as
an
at-large
counselor
hearing
from
all
neighborhoods
people
from
across
the
city,
not
just
in
particular
districts.
Each
time
we
speak
and
we
share
more
information
in
Advocates
and
community
members
stand
up
and
speak.
K
There
are
more
questions
which
make
sense
and
I
can
that's
why
this
process
is
better
when
it
starts
12,
14,
16
months
ahead.
I
know
we
started
and
we
are
dealing
with
what
we
have,
but
I
am
in
favor
of
pressing
the
pause
button,
because,
even
if
the
numbers
come
this
afternoon,
if
they
come
Monday
we're
going
to
be
again
in
silos
at
our
house,
on
our
computers
or
in
our
offices,
looking
at
numbers
and
not
together
and
today
will
be
the
first
day,
hopefully
that
we're
spreading
out
maps
and
actually
talking
about
moving
precincts.
A
Professor
is
very
helpful
in
giving
us
some
context
and
clarifying
someone
who
are
outstanding
questions
so
I
I
understand
we
haven't
had
a
very
truncated
timeline,
but
I
think
you
know
we.
It
is
our
responsibility
to
draw
the
best
possible
map
and
I
think
we
can
do
it.
We've
got
a
lot
of
smart
people
in
this
room,
but.
A
So
we've
got
some
work
to
do
councilor,
Royal
and
then
do
you
want
this
one
yeah.
N
Is
this
one
working
yeah?
It
feels
like
a
word.
The
problem
with
the
land
gear
is
that
it
feels
like
incumbency
protection
to
stall
some
candidates,
who
may
otherwise
be
thinking
about
trying
to
announce
a
candidacy
in
the
next
couple
months.
We
know
very
much
that
budget
like
we're
all
candidates
here,
we've
all
run.
We
know
that
you
need
the
two-year
cycle
of
money.
Do
you
need
all
of
these
different
sort
of
considerations?
N
Yes,
it's
not
set
in
stone
that
we
get
this
done
with
folks
a
year
of
notice,
but
I
do
think
that
it's
effective
and
it's
what's
just
and
it's
what's
fair
to
make
sure
that
people
in
the
city
of
Austin
who
are
looking
at
these
seats
are
able
to
make
the
same
kinds
of
decisions
that
is
incumbents.
We
are
all
able
to
do
which
is.
Is
we
are
able
to
fundraise
in
this
this
fiscal
year?
N
We
were
able
to
make
all
of
the
decisions
we
have
to
do
to
sort
of
protect
our
seats
if
we
had
to
run
but
people
who
are
trying
to
challenge
us
or
oppose
Us
by
delaying
this
out,
we're
actually
stalling
them
and
harming
them
in
different
ways.
Some
scene,
some
unseen
and
I-
think
it
doesn't
make
sense
to
go
past
that
so,
with
that
I'd
say
we
should
just
kind
of
get
to
work.
We.
A
I
think
we
need
a
month
we
may
be
closer
than
we
actually
I
think
can
I
think
amen,
stop
hold
on
we're,
not
going
I'm.
Just
gonna
not
have
any
more
conversation
with
this
right.
Now
we're
going
to
get
to
this
map.
K
Is
the
Baseline
map
the
one
we
made
after
the
split
these
things,
yeah.
A
One,
the
three
things
that
we
were
going
to
put
into
district
one,
the.
A
N
I
But
I
think
most
of
the
maps
who
want
the
actual
physical
map
to
put
it
because
it's
like
we
resolve
certain
things.
For
instance,
we
resolved
we
resolved
where
the
Via
Victorian
Cathedral,
for
example,
the
whole
conversation
we've
had
now
so
yeah,
okay,.
C
A
Let's
start
with
the
yeah
the
Baseline
map
and
we'll
go
from
there
and.
A
And
then
the
West
End,
just
36,
they
went
into
the
streets.
I
I
C
C
B
A
A
So
this
is
the
this
is
the
the
green
morale
map.
We
have
the
analysis
from
professors
Institution.
A
So,
let's,
let's
go
around
the
the
room
and
start
with
construction.
Flynn
and
just
say
things
you
like
about
this
map
and
things
you
know,
I
find
problematic,
will
give
everyone
a
few
minutes
just
to
go
through
and
take
a
look
at
it
to
see
what
you
think
and
then
we'll
we'll
note
we'll
note
where
we
have
consensus
and
where
we
need
to
what
we
differ.
So
we'll
start
at
with
the
and
I'm
really
focused
on
I.
A
A
This
is
the
this
is
one
proposal,
that's
on
the
table,
it's
sort
of,
and
we
just
it's
just
a
faces.
First
conversation
things
that
you
like
about
this
this
map
and
things
that
you
would
have
problems
with
and
we'll
go
around
the
room
really
quickly
and
see.
If
you
can
get
get
a
sense
of
of
where
this
agreement
and
where
there's
disagreement
and
then
we
can,
we
can
build
off
that.
A
Just
need
a
little
time.
Yes,
counselor.
I
A
F
I
Maybe
yeah-
that's
that's
great
okay,
so
some
things
about
this
so
I
think
it's
that
it's
good,
as
we've
all
discussed,
that
it
keeps
nine
one
and
eight
one
together.
I
It's
definitely
meaningful
to
my
constituents
that
it
completes
both
the
West,
End
and
Beacon
Hill
up
by
putting
317
and
310
into
District.
Eight
I
think
that
in
addition
to
and
in
addition
to
sort
of
8191,
it
keeps
that
whole
stretch
up
into
Chinatown
together.
I
The
I
know
that
you
know
one
challenge
that
we've
all
been
talking
about
a
bit.
Obviously
the
braid
and
Arroyo
map
does
this
more
dramatically,
but
we
all
know
now
that
that
Old
Colony
Precinct,
that's
just
above
Mary
Ellen
McCormick,
is
the
Lion's
Share
of
the
Old
Colony.
No,
it's
below
that
sorry!
Yeah
there.
It's
it's
the
Lion's
Share
of
the
Old
Colony
Housing
Development,
but
not
all
of
it.
A
piece
of
it
is
in
Precinct
4
to
the
right
and
a
piece
of
it
is
in
the
precinct
above
it.
I
So
that's
I,
think
complicated
having
I
spent
a
lot
of
time
working
around
there
with
the
VHA
stuff.
So
that's
a
challenge.
I
think
that
we
have
to
work
through
when
you
go
south,
so
I
think
that
again,
like
broad
agreement
and
I
would
agree
like
putting
16,
1
and
16
3
into
District.
I
Three
is
great,
and
we
heard
about
that
from
the
Vietnamese
Community
last
night,
I
think
in
just
skipping
for
a
second
over
to
District,
Five
I
will
just
flag
that
I
I
know
I,
know,
there's
been
back
and
forth
and
I
know.
Counselors,
Laura
and
Arroyo
addressed
this
early,
but
I
have
heard
from
people
like
they
from
Roslindale.
Folks,
like
hey,
we
like
having
21
in
Roslindale
but
also
28
is,
is
that
eight
or
six
okay
yeah,
that
28
is
also
Roslindale
and
it's
certainly.
It
certainly
is.
I
If
you
look
at
the
city
neighborhood
map
that
I
asked
for
so
I
have
heard,
people
say
hey
and
then
also,
of
course,
that
Precinct
16,
sorry
eighteen,
seven
being
Roslindale
as
well.
I
think
that
the
southern
part
of
this
map
illustrates
like
the
fundamental
challenge
that
we
have,
which
is
that
District
four
is
already
has
such
low
white
population
and
that
basically,
the
only
way
to
have
a
like
a
more
mixed
population.
I
District
Four
is
either
to
swing
to
the
left,
into
Roslindale
or
to
the
right
intercedar
Grove,
and
because
it
was
actually
already
banking,
a
significant
portion
of
Roslindale
just
to
get
to
the
single
digits
that
it's
at
now,
there's
not
that
much
room
for
growth
in
the
Roslindale
direction.
If
you're
trying
to,
if
you're
concerned
about
the
numbers
being
packed
in
D4
and
that's
part
of
what
swings
towards
you
into
the
Cedar
Grove
area,
you
know
I
think
that
obviously
there's
different
ways
of
addressing.
I
Or
would
you
rather
split
but
I
do
just
I
do
just
want
to
register
I
think
having
played
with
it
a
lot,
it's
very
hard
to
figure
out
how
to
how
to
have
D4
have
more
than
single
digits
white
population.
If
you
don't
swing
over
to
the
right
there
and
and
I
think
that.
C
I
Know
it's
it's
also
like
what
am
I
trying
to
say
it's
sort
of
like
we
made
a
choice
to
disrupt
Roslindale
to
the
left
10
years
ago,
and
so
then
it's
kind
of
like.
Are
you
doubling
down
on
that
choice?
I
But
even
if
you
did
double
down
on
that
choice,
if
you
moved
all
the
way
over
into
Roslindale
to
try
to
have
it
be
a
more
mixed
District,
you
would
end
up
taking
more
of
Mattapan,
which
would
then
threaten
the
opportunity
districtness
of
five,
so
it
sort
of
or
else
you're
super
non-contiguous
like
if
you
extended
D4,
past
18
7..
So
that's
like
to
me
that's
sort
of
the
the
like
core
Dynamics
going
on
in
that
southern
area
and
why
this
is
so
hard
to
do
in
a
way
that
pleases
everybody
but
yeah.
A
Very
good
summary
of
where
we're
at
who
else
wants.
F
Thank
you
I
think
that
there
were
a
couple
of
things
in
the
attempt
to
kind
of
unify
the
Holy
Name
rotary
ultimately
and
bring
more
of
War
20
together.
Yes,
28
is
Rosendale.
It
is
part
of
Roslindale
as
a
neighborhood
I
think
that
Rosendale
historically
has
always
felt
fractured
and
I
would
like,
because
I
haven't
looked
at
this
in
28.
Specifically
thinking
about
you
know
we're
having
a
conversation
about
the
effect
of
like
the
effectiveness
of
who
was
like
you
know
in
the
election.
Who
was
the
preferred?
F
Who
was
the
preferred
candidate
at
seeing
because
to
me?
There's
a
level
of
political
cohesion
there
and
also
want
to
honor
that
people
in
Roslindale
like
want
to
be
kept
together,
like
I
I'm,
fine,
with
having
a
conversation
around
whether
it's
21
or
28
and
I,
think
councilman,
Royal
and
I
can
talk
a
little
bit
more,
but
in
the
new
map
I
think
they
both
stayed.
Is
that
correct
yeah?
They
both
stayed
in
the
new
map,
and
so
that
is
like
we
are
basically
keeping
the
Roslindale
ones
in
the
same
place.
So
but.
C
M
I
No
and
all
I
wanted
to
put
on
the
table
and
I
think
it's
important
right
that,
like
in
this
exercise,
we'd
be
able
to
put
things
on
the
table.
I'm
just
saying
that
what
I
have
heard
from
like
some
Roslindale
residence
is
like
hey.
Yes,
we
like
the
fact
that
a
bunch
of
the
maps
are
trying
to
unite
us
and,
while
you're
uniting
us,
we
would
love
that
to
include
21
and
28..
So
I
agree
with
you
councilor.
J
Do
I
I
won't
comment
on
Roslindale?
It's
not
my
I.
Don't
know
much
about
the
the
that
particular
Precinct,
but
it
seems
it
seems
like
it's
a
good
it's
a
good
plan
for
Roslindale
and
for
that
would
be
that
it
would
stay
whole
I
guess,
but
on
the
other
hand,
Ward
7,
Precinct,
six
and
seven
five
right
in
the
middle
of
Ian
Lynch
homes,
Old
Colony
me
and
real
and
McCormick
housing
projects
that'd
be
a
cut
right
through
that.
J
So
that
would
be
a
concern
for
me
as
it
relates
to
going
right
through
the
middle
of
a
community
of
color,
which
would
be
which
would
be
difficult
for
me
to
do.
I
I
think
I
would
in
that
one
District
Two
would
lose
the
Prudential
area
in
the
in
the
Copley
area
and
I.
Think
that's
that's
something
I
you
know
I
would
accept.
That's
probably
the
probably
one
of
the
least
diverse
districts,
probably
around
probably
the
most
White
Community
around,
but
but
I
I
could
not.
J
I
could
not
accept
dividing
a
community
of
color,
mostly
mostly
latinx,
and
a
lot
of
persons
with
disabilities
there
as
well.
Thank
you,
Jim.
J
Be
seven
six
and
seven
seven.
I
N
I
A
A
Over
here,
to
make
it
more
work
on
three
things:
oh.
J
Oh
colony
is,
is
probably
a
one
minute
walk
from
my
house
right
up,
Dorchester
Street
and
that
would
not
be
part
of
District
2
in
Old.
Colony
has
a
lot
of
it's.
It's
mostly
people
of
color
and
a
lot
of
persons
with
disabilities,
so
their
District
Council
would
be
District
3
in
Dorchester,
just
the
physical
geography
of
that
of
that
incumbent.
J
So
so
you
know
I
guess.
My
point
is
just
for
the
people
of
the
people
of
that
particular
area.
Communities
of
color
persons
with
disabilities
would
make
it
much
more
difficult
for
them.
I.
A
J
Everyone
everyone
wants
to
weigh
in
on
Destructo,
so
it's
important
for
the
district
to
the
council
to
a.
A
H
A
H
Yeah
well,
my
map
keeps
the
housing
developments
based
on
the
guidance
that
we
got
right
from
the
beginning.
The
only
guy
that
we
had
was
a1a2,
who
had
to
had
to
remain
together,
because
my
first
conversation
I
had
in
this
because
it
was
between
Eddie
and
I
I
had
done
the
analysis,
split
some
precincts
and
then
then
realized
that
I
needed
I
needed
to
gain.
O
It's
going
I'm
sorry
councilor,
Baker
Anderson.
Did
you
move
a
Precinct
to
South.
N
Fernandez
map,
because
I
had
had
a
conversation
previously
with
counselor
that
that
was
important
to
him
in
terms
of
those
house
and
developments.
We
had
actually
moved
seven,
seven
back
into
District
Two
and
in
order
to
sort
of
accomplish
that
on
this
map,
you
see
that
the
South
End
gets
unified
in
a
way,
that's
not
really
been
unified.
That
obviously
got
a
lot
of
interaction
with
different.
J
F
A
I
apologize,
you
know
we
had
this
conversation
about
signing
on
to
Maps.
Just
because
you
signed
on
to
a
map
doesn't
mean
you're,
giving
it
a
stamp
of
approval.
Everyone
is
an
opportunity
to
bring
them
out
before
us
for
consideration.
I.
C
A
On
to
councilman
Baker's
map
the
other
day,
just
because
I
I
assigned
onto
the
unity
map
or.
C
A
F
Just
the
reason
why
I'm
bringing
this
up
is
because
before
last
redistricting
meeting
when
I
brought
up
South
Boston,
specifically
I
brought
up
South
Boston
I
brought
up
not
breaking
up
South
Boston
I
brought
up
how
if
we
didn't
swing
in
the
other
direction
in
a
district,
we
were
going
to
have
to
go
in
another
way.
I
said
this:
on
the
record.
Nobody
had
said
the
word
South
Boston,
on
the
floor.
F
We
brought
up
the
concern,
it's
a
concern
that
was
brought
up
right.
We
said
hey,
if
you
don't
want
to
cut
it,
to
bring
District
3
into
the
south
end
you're
only
going
to
have
one
direction
to
go
in
and
what
did
I
say
on
the
floor?
Hey
everybody,
the
the
elephant
in
the
room
is
that
we're
not
going
to
cut
up
South,
Boston
and
so
now
there's.
That
is
the
concern
on
the
floor.
F
So
it
is
important
to
me
because
there
are
other
political
underlyings
at
play
here
about
why
people
sign
on
to
Maps,
why
they
don't
sign
on
to
maps
and
what
Maps
they
support
and
now
what
folks
are
doing,
because
I
haven't
been
here
because
I've
been
sick
but
I've
been
watching.
Every
redistricting
hearing
is
that
they
are
turning
the
fire
of
the
people
of
South
Boston
on
the
council
and
saying
that
we
are
not
supporting
them.
My
name
is
on
every
single
one
of
the
maps
that
keeps
on
Boston
together.
F
H
L
Yes,
I
just
want
to
note
that
we
I
I
agree
with
councilor
Lara
in
regards
to
what
we
deliberate
during
the
council.
You
know,
hearings
and
working
sessions
and
if
there
was
a
clean
line
of
delineation,
do
not
touch
South
Boston.
We
should
have
had
that
conversation
three
or
four
weeks
ago,
but
now
we're
here
down
to
the
wire
and
now.
A
L
L
A
Thank
you.
Cancer
Baker.
A
B
H
Can
I
talk
about
my
this?
What's
the
problem
here
for
me
as
you've
heard
from
multiple
people
in
Ward
16,
they
don't
want
to
be
split
from
from
this
District.
It's
got
nothing
to
do
with
me.
It's
what
they
identify.
H
I
would
argue
my
original
district
10
years
ago
that
got
changed.
The
good
change,
I
lost,
ironically
16,
1
and
16-3
I
lost
them
to
give
Brian
more
population
that
wasn't
black
and
I
also
lost
17,
4,
17,
12
and
17
14..
If
I
were
to
regain
those
precincts,
we
talk
about
an
effective
opportunity,
district
and
effective
opportunity.
District,
that's
where
that's
where
that's,
where
a
black
candidate
would
come
out
of.
Andrea
Campbell
lived
up
there.
H
She
would
have
ran
against
me
if
that,
if
that,
if
that
were
in
place
the
the
original
boundaries
and
why
you
know
we,
we
talk
about
the
original
models.
If
my
original
boundaries
were
in
place,
Andrea
Campbell
would
have
run
against
me
all
all
black
person
17-4
was
the
third
largest
when
I
ran
12
years
ago.
That
was
the
third
largest
Precinct
in
terms
of
voting,
then
heavy
vote
heavy
heavy
black
vote
in
there.
H
I
H
H
Don't
touch
Mission,
Hill,
I,
don't
know
what
you
were.
They
were
different
people.
You
had
about
three
places
that
we
couldn't
touch,
but
this
community
here
that
I
brought
in
over
and
over
and
over
and
I've,
had
really
good
testimony
on
written
testimony.
I've
had
I've
had
leaders
of
the
community
to
say
why
this
community
saying
together,
is
good
for
that
opportunity.
District.
H
It
was
leadership
in
that
Community
right
there
that
brought
us
the
greenway,
the
the
the
bike
path
there,
the
John
Paul
Park
there
that
was
leaders
in
the
end
yeah
that
connected
on
to
Mattapan,
but
it
started
in
Cedar
Grove.
It
started
in
Cedar
Grove
with
Tom
finneran,
okay,
so
an
effective,
an
effective
Madam
chair,
an
effective
opportunity
District
that
is
my
Jerusalem
and
it's
in
the
way
people
are
talking
about
kind
of
nonchalant,
makes
us
feel
like
we're
widgets
and
not
people,
one
one
person.
H
C
H
H
N
A
H
N
So
one
of
the
things
about
what
does
god
mentioned
about
going
into
matapan?
None.
I
N
The
counselor
who
presented
his
own
map
does
that
the
reason
they
don't
do,
that
is
because
then
you
would
have
to
shift
all
the
population
and
make
up
for
that
population
loss,
and
so
all
this
talk
about
Roslindale
staying
together,
you
do
that.
That's
gone
in
fact:
you're,
probably
breaking
up
parts
of
Jamaica
Plain
that
are
currently
totally
together.
There's
a
reason,
not
a
single
map
presented,
including
that
by
that
counselor
do
that,
and
so,
if
you
just
shift
over
so
I
can
go
into
District
Five
really
quickly.
N
N
G
N
Right
there
in
1870.,
if
you
look
over
to
the
I,
guess,
that's
the
West
over
there,
where
you
got
18,
28
and
21
and
20
all
of
those
technically
that's
so
28
is
technically
used
to
be
in
District
Six.
It
came
over
in
the
last
redistricting
process.
It
contained
some
of
the
rotary
there.
They
vote
in
West,
Roxbury
they're,
very
involved
in
Ward
20,
which
is
most
West,
Roxbury
I
would
say
it's
not
entirely
West
Roxbury,
but
these
are
West
Roxbury
organization.
187
to
me
is
largely
Roslindale.
N
You
could
argue
that
there's
a
portions
of
it
because,
because
neighborhoods
are
sort
of
nebulous
that
on
the
back
end,
some
of
that
is
Mattapan,
but
largely
it's
Roslindale
Focus
right
there
is
American
Ninja
highway
I
pass
through
that,
every
time
I'm
coming
up
to
City
Hall.
That
is
right
in
the
middle.
In
fact,
1807
a
number
of
their
Community
leaders
is
the
largest
issue.
Right
now
is
crane-ledged
Woods.
You
might
have
seen
that
in
the
newspapers
that.
C
N
If
you
look
up
over
where
the
sort
of
the
goes
up
into
Wellington,
Hill,
1414
14-5,
a
lot
of
things
was
done
on
purpose
in
the
sense
of
last
redistricting
to
ensure
that
we
are
extending
that
Mattapan
representation
up,
but
also
because
we
were
looking
at
District,
Five
and
I
say
we
in
the
sense
of
Boston
as
a
opportunity
district,
and
it
is
very
much
now
an
opportunity
District.
It
is
not
as
firmly
an
opportunity
other
districts
can
be
or
are,
but.
G
N
On
my
map
that
I
presented
with
Tanya,
Fernandez,
Anderson
and
I
believe
on
the
map
presented
with
yourself
was
reintroduced
into
District
Five
because
that's
where
it
used
to
be,
but
also
because
it
unifies
Roslindale,
unifies
sort
of
High
Park,
there's
some
Mattapan
in
there
arguably,
and
so
what
you're
looking
at
is
something
that's
sort
of
like
Brookline
comes
in
and
just
chops
out
a
large
portion
of
of
Boston.
This
is
a
weird
and
has
always
been
a
weird
sort
of
separation
from
where
they
really
are.
Sharon.
N
Woods
is
right
next
to
that,
and
so
in
the
precinct
right.
Next
to
that,
there's
a
lot
of
conversation
about
Sharon
Woods
on
the
other
side
of
American
Ninja
Highway,
uniting
that
with
the
district
makes
a
lot
of
sense,
both
from
a
compactness
standpoint,
also
from
a
population
standpoint
and
also
from
a
neighborhood
standpoint
from
the
thing
around
28
and
21..
N
This
was
a
conversation
and
I
know
that
councilor
is
not
here
right
now,
21
people
on
the
counselor
and
I'm
trying
to
talk
about
terms
that
people
are
familiar
with
not
even
familiar
with
every
District,
but
21
in
24
share
Walter
Street.
There
was
a
lot
of
conversation
about
Walter,
Street
and
the
wetlands
over
the
last
decade.
N
It
was
something
that
Matt
O'malley,
a
former
councilman
O'malley,
was
very
focused
on
those
two
precincts
touched
that,
and
so
the
original
goal
was
to
unify
those
precincts
and
and
try
to
bring
that
together
and
that's
still
something
we
can
have
conversations
about.
28
has
a
lot
more
in
common
and,
in
fact,
are
largely
meets
with
in
terms
of
their
organizations
with
all
of
the
precincts.
N
On
the
other
side,
that
is
technically
the
VFW
Parkway
comes
right
through
there
and
so
right
around
there
there's
several
Community
groups
that
are
technically
West
Roxbury
with
which
they
meet,
and
they
sort
of
have
this
nebulousness
about
whether
they
are
Roslindale
or
West.
Roxbury,
though
I'm
not
arguable,
there's
a
half
of
that.
N
That
is
definitely
Roslindale
under
every
consideration
of
what
I
think
anybody
would
consider,
because
it
goes
up
Belgrade,
but
the
other
back
half
of
that
has
I've
actually
had
people
argue
with
me
that
they're
West
Roxbury,
that
they
feed
themselves
look
like
her
and
that's
on
the
beach
Street
side,
which
is
also
on
there.
If
you
go.
N
In
terms
of
14
14
5,
which
on
this
map,
are
missing
from
the
district,
those
are
almost
entirely
black
precincts
and
in
fact,
1414
is
a
Precinct
with
Wellington
Hill
that
I've
done
an
extensive
amount
with
Community
leaders.
There,
Rachel
Dole
Russell
Holmes
lives
in
1414..
Those
are
really
important,
precincts
to
the
overall
makeup
and
fabric
of
District
Five.
N
What
ended
up
happening
for
population's
sake
and
for
different?
What's
the
word
on
the
deviation
was
21
and
28.
On
the
map
presented
by
myself,
you
and
the
community
end
up
staying
in
District
six,
but
on
the
District
5
side
we
pick
up
81
and
1414
remains
there,
and
18-2
remains
there,
which
is
separate,
and
apart
from
what
my
original
map
had
done,
because
it
picked
up,
14,
8
and
I
was
looking
more
at
quarters
in
terms
of
Transportation,
so
I
I
would
say
from
this
map.
N
If
you
go
up,
there's
a
financial
district
area,
there's
an
argument
about
whether
it
goes
whether
it's
I
know:
we've
got
a
number
of
emails
from
the
West
Ends
and
keep
us
together
or
people.
There's
always
folks
trying
to
deviate
from
one
section
to
the
other
and
I
think
they've
gone
to
all
counselors.
But
the
goal
here
is
that
District
Two.
N
If
we're
talking
about
and
I
think
councilor
Bach
has
spoken
to
this
too,
if
we're
talking
about
it,
also
from
the
standpoint
of
effective
choice
and
there's
a
racial
demographic
to
that,
but
there's
also
a
coalition
aspect
or
demographic
to
that.
There's,
a
lot
of
arguments
that
we
have
heard
and
that
I
believe
are
accurate
and
are
things
we
should
honor
from
folks
like
the
Chinese
Progressive
Association.
In
conversations
we
have
had
with
Eva
about
the
similarities
between
Chinatown
and
those.
N
N
If
it's
a
decision,
you
have
to
consciously
make
once
8191
stays
there
just
based
on
I
think
even
what
we
heard
today
about
compactness,
because
then
you're
only
going
around
by
giving
them
9-2
and
then
doing
all
of
that,
and
it
gets
messy
and
it's
sort
of
inappropriate
and
so
on.
This
map,
which
I
think
is
a
great
morale
map.
I,
have
no
idea
what
I'm
looking
at
right
now,
but.
N
Seven
six
is
where
the
ambulance
homes
are.
Is
that
correct,
and
so
it
sounds
like
where
the
issue
gets
really
strenuous
about
things
being
split
up.
It's
7574
where
old
Harbor
is,
and
so
you
know
I
think,
there's
ways
to
get
around
that.
Maybe
if
you
went
up
seven.
C
N
If
you
did
certain
things,
but
essentially
that
I
had
heard
repeatedly
on
the
floor,
that
uniting
McCormick
with
the
Ann
Lynch
homes
was
important,
and
that
is
why,
on
our
version
in
terms
of
counselor
Fernandez
Anderson
myself,
the
McCormick
homes
was
connected,
though
in
District
2
with
animation,
but
I
think
you
know,
because
I
have
heard
repeatedly
that
those
two
made
sense
together.
I
think
that's
also
why
on
The
Brady
Worrell
map
and
you
can
speak
to
sort
of
the
construction
of
that
the
Ann
Lynch
homes
are
then,
rather
than
going
one
into
District
Two.
N
7
standpoint,
there's
a
lot
of
like
and
I
think
this
is
the
reincreasing
thing
that
does
that
you
see
like
the
lines,
get
sort
of
strained
around
District
eight
over
there
and
I
think
I've
heard
different
versions
of
this.
Where
part
of
the
issue
with
going
up
is
that
you
then
dilute
significantly
because
the
South
ends
populations,
though
there
are
specific
communities
of
interest
within
it,
are.
G
N
Just
where
we're
at
I
think
there's
places
clearly
where
folks
are
going
to
disagree,
but
I
also
think
there's
places
where
it
exists,
not
because
of
consensus,
but
because,
from
any
standpoint
that
you're
trying
to
do
this,
you
can't
change
it
and
District.
Two
is
one
of
those
places
where
it's
going
to
have
to
give
it's
not
really
going
to
get.
There's
no
like
every
I,
think
a
Precinct
or
District.
Some
districts
are
giving
things
up,
but
also
picking
other
things
up
and
the
reality
is
I.
N
Think
the
only
one
on
this
map
that
is
solely
giving
things
up
and
largely
not
picking
a
new
one.
Is
this
or
two
to
understand,
puts
people
in
difficult
positions,
but
if
that
is
sort
of
where
we're
at
and
there's
only
a
few
ways
to
do
it
and
so
I
think
the
southern
part
of
the
map.
If
you
go
down
really
quickly
and
I'll
just
ended
here,
if
people
to
district
four
and
three.
N
Specifically,
I
don't
know
folks
who
affiliate
with
districts
as
much
as
what
I
heard
was
community
and
the
folks
and
how
they
interact
with
one
another
in
these
precincts
in
in
these
distinct
neighborhoods
with
one
another
and
I.
Don't
think
people
go
I'm,
a
district
five
person,
they
go.
I
live
in
this
neighborhood
and
this
is
sort
of
where
there's
points
of
contact
and
I
think
one
of
the
things
that
every
math
has
tried
to
do,
except
for
I,
think
two
is
to
unpack
District
4.
N
N
You
have
to
go
to
the
right
of
that
match,
which
I
think
other
counselors
have
brought
up,
and
the
latest
map
that
can
usually
put
together,
I
think
does
as
a
better
job,
because
every
map
I
think
has
like
one
more
freesync
or
two
more
of
adding
in
all
of
those
neighborhoods
together,
so
that,
even
though
they're
no
longer
in
District
three,
they
are
technically
together
in
District
Four
to
the
past
that
they
ability
to
do
that,
and
so
that's
those
are
just
my
general
thoughts
in
on
that
map
and
all
of
the
maps
in
general.
A
J
One
one
brief
question
before
I
start
Madam
chair:
are
we
out
of
this
room
at
one
o'clock,
though,.
A
O
A
Think
in
terms
of
I
I
would
propose
to
keep
going
with
me
for
another
half
hour
and
then
a
journey.
Okay,
12th
are.
A
J
On
District
Two,
but
I
I
think
would
be
in
the
best
interest
of
of
the
body
if
I
move
four
six
and
four
two
out
of
out
of
District
2,
which
would
be
basically
the
Heinz
in
the
Prudential
area
in
the
Copley,
the
Copley
and
Saint
Patel
area.
J
So
but
when
I
recommend
they
come
out
of
the
area.
Do
I
also,
then
have
to
recommend
where
they
go
or
do
I
just
recommend
they.
J
But
but
that
was
the
instructions
I
was
asked,
was
come
up
with
a
A
list
which
I'm
which
I
have
done,
but
but
is
then
that
up
to
me
to
recommend
where
they
go,
or
is
it
just
up
to
me
to
recommend
what
districts,
what
precincts.
J
Okay,
yeah,
because
I'm
I
want
to
be
accommodating
to
my
colleagues
here,
which
I'm,
which
I'm
trying
to
be
thank.
You.
A
J
So
this
is
only
on
on
this
map,
but
those
two
priests
now
out
of
out
of
District
tokens
like.
J
I
So
I
think
I
think
it
would
be
very
helpful,
councilor
Flynn,
to
have
your
full
list
of
precincts
that
would
lose
I.
Think
there
are
precincts
where
it
like
may
be
difficult
to
do
so,
for
instance,
like
basically
I
can't
take
four
six
if
I
take
310
because
they're
both
too
much
population
so,
like
some
maps,
have
me
taking
310
and
some
maps
have
me
taking
four
six
and
I
can't
take
four
two,
if
you're
still
taking
four
six,
because
it
breaks
it
contiguously.
J
J
Then
then,
a
lot
of
other
councils
will
be
in
the
same
boat
as
I
will
be.
You
know
is
dealing
with
a
lot
of
these
I've.
It's
not
a
good
place
to
be,
but
that's
just
that's
just
the
reality.
A
A
A
A
J
Me
let
me
go,
let
me,
let
me
continue.
The
only
thing
is
when
I
put
this
with
when
I
put
my
presence
out
and
then
my
constituents
think
I'm
I'm
I
want
to
give
them
up,
and
then
you
know
yeah
so
I
mean
I.
But
having
said
that,
but
having
said
that,
I
trust,
my
colleagues
I
trust.
My
colleagues
I
will
do
that
in
the
interest
of
doing
what
I
think
is
best
for
the
body.
I'll
I'll
do
that.
J
G
J
J
Four
four
eleven
is
the
four
I'm.
Sorry
I'm,
sorry
for
one
is
the
South
South
bendy
area
of
of
Appleton
Street
area
for
one.
J
Ben
Franklin
is
is
what
is
Ward
five
priest
and
14
Ben
Franklin
Institute
of
Technology.
That's
where
the
BCA
facilities.
J
And
I
have
I,
have
I
have
a
couple
others
I'm
going
to
hold
off
on
those.
C
A
K
K
So
one
thing
I
heard
I
heard
a
lot
of
things
from
Dr
duchin
earlier.
Who
one
thing,
though,
and
I
know
I've
heard
from
at
Community
meetings
and
also
from
different
council,
is
just
over
the
years,
not
just
this
term.
That
projects
underway
is
something
that
needs
to
be
considered
and
I
know
many
district
counselors
are
working
on
or
have
been
working
on.
Different
projects
in
their
communities
and
redistricting
could
then
split
them
off
from
that
and
wasn't
sure.
If.
C
K
Are
any
District
counselors
who
feel
that
any
of
these
changes
would
affect
some
of
the
projects
that
you've
been
working
on
in
community?
It
doesn't
have
to
necessarily
be
development.
I
know
we
talked
about
like
A.D
and
South
Park
down
in
Fields,
Corner,
Town
field
and
other
places
that
you
look
at.
Like
we've
said
it's,
you
look
at
a
number
on
a
map,
but
then
you
realize
oh
wait.
K
That's
that
school
I've
been
working
with
or
that's
Town
field,
and
we've
been
not
that
you
can't
continue
to
support
but
wondering
if
that
has
been
thought
of
or
if
any
of
the
district
councilors
want
to
make
sure
that
when
they're
sharing
that,
because
I
think
when
it
comes
down
to
a
vote,
it
is
going
to
have
to
be
at
least
for
me
to
understand.
K
A
K
A
F
H
H
A
E
E
Counselor.
Thank
you,
madam
chair.
My
Council
was
specific
specifically
to
counselor
Flynn,
but
he's
not.
He
stepped
out
with
the
precincts
that
he's
listed
and.
E
So
I,
basically
and
I've
publicly
acknowledged
that
I
created
like
that
I
designed
that
part
of
the
map
that
took
exactly
the
precincts
that
he
listed
to
unite
South
End,
so
I
just
wanted
to
get
his
feedback
in
terms
of
what
was
his
logic
behind
that,
and
specifically,
if
those
were
not
options,
then
what
could
he?
What
would
he
allow
on
the
other
side
of
his
Precinct?
He
does
have
to
shed
if
this
is
like,
the
final
I
mean
I
think
that's
for
him
to
respond.
E
The
other
thing,
too,
is
that
when
we
look
at
the
towns
around
all
all
over
Boston
you'll
notice
that
most
towns
share
a
counselor
with
exceptions
to
your
district
and
I.
Think
yeah.
E
Not
outside
of
Boston
just
Boston,
and
so
when
you
look
at
yours,
your
District
none
shared
and
when
you
look
at
Council
Coletta,
then
some,
but
not
all,
and
then
everybody
else
shares
except
District
Two,
where
South
Boston
is
not
shared,
and
so
it's
not
an
uncommon
thing.
So
I
wanted
to
specifically
allow
Council
Flynn,
but
maybe
I
can
reserve
my
time
and
wait
till
he
returns.
A
A
E
It's
not
uncommon,
I
mean
if
we
can
do
our
best
to
not
split
them
up
in
like
four
different
counselors,
which
essentially
is
not
keeping
them
together
and
up.
Sorry,
oh,
and
keep
them
together.
Roxbury,
for
example,
shares
one
two,
three
four
South
End,
arguably
304,
and
then
you
can
go
down
the
list
right
Dorchester
same
and
then
we're
doing
our
best
to
keeping
them
together
to
like
two
or
three
counselors.
E
That
is
not
the
case
currently
with
South
Boston
and
I.
Had
a
conversation,
I
had
many
conversations
with
people
from
South
Boston
who
either
called
or
emailed
me.
E
Most
of
you
know
that
I
I
answer
every
email,
so
I've
actually
been
explaining
this
to
them
that
you
know
it's
not
intentional,
to
try
to
split
them
up.
Rather
we're
trying
to
do
do
the
best
that
we
can,
but
I
can
get
that
feedback
from
counselor
Flynn
or
perhaps
pick
it
up
the
next
time
he
comes
in.
M
M
Floor
yeah,
so
just
to
answer
Council
Murphy's
question
1601,
you
know,
I
came
to
the
council,
it
was
about
fighting,
for
you
know,
capital
investment
into
district
four,
and
one
of
the
things
that
we
were
able
to
secure
was
a
study
for
townsfield,
because
you
know
what
we
wanted
to
do
make
sure
is
that
you
know
the
dollar
started
flowing
into
District
Four
in
terms
of
public
investment
and
that
that
was
one
of
our
major
wins.
M
However,
I
understand
the
advocacy
behind
the
Vietnamese
community
on
reuniting,
but
that
that
is
something
that
we
worked
on
early
on
in
the
budget
season
and
also
there's
a
lot
of
other
Investments.
When
it
comes
to
streets.
M
We
have
a
boat
in
Geneva
Transportation
plan.
That's
taken
place
in
this
area
over
at
1702
I
mean
this
is
also
part
of
our.
You
know.
Four
corners
area
as
well
there's
been
advocacy
that
make
sure
that
we
unite
or
keep
United
that
area
together
and
then
also
in
1711
and
1709.
This
is
a
strong
organization
of
like
common
square
neighborhood,
Council
Ashmont,
Hill
Ashmont
Valley,
so
they
would.
They
definitely
expressed
interest
to
staying
together
and
United
within
within
District
Four
and
then
also
just
wanted
to
touch
on
you.
M
That
District
Four
can
gain.
You
know:
white
population
and
Council
Baker
pointed
out
that
you
know
in
the
past
it
was
1603
and
1601..
M
So
if
I
am
keeping
1603,
that
will
help
increase
my
white
population
inside
of
district
four,
but
also
1912
and
1907
as
well.
As
you
know
like
that,
that's
the
that's
the
other
side
of
this
map
where
I
can
gain.
M
You
know,
white
population
in
order,
if
that's
the
goal
of
this
commit
of
the
council,
to
increase
that's
another
way
that
we
can
gain
and
I
I
do
think,
there's
to
be
real
discussion
on
every
District
playing
their
part
right
on
on
making
sure
that
we
reach
our
goals
that
we're
that
we're
sending
out
in
front
of
us
so
I
would
say
that
that's
one
other
way
that
we
should
be
exploring
is
maybe
going
up.
M
You
know
2007,
1912
and
1907,
but
still
taking
consideration
that
we
could
still
you
know,
get
17-13
and
potentially
even
taking
a
look
at
1611.
If
these
are
goals
that
we're
trying
to
attain
taking
a
look
at
both
sides
to
make
sure
that
everyone
is
playing
their
part
and
making
sure
that
we're
reaching
these
these
goals.
B
C
M
Right
so
I
I
know
that
in
the
beginning
of
this
conversation
it
was
1601
that
you
know,
with
advocacy,
was
around
now
that
I'm
hearing,
more
1603
but
I
know
in
the
beginning
very
beginning.
In
this
conversation
was
only
1601
with
advocacy
was
around.
A
H
To
talk
to
a
Precinct
in
particular
that
I've
done
10
years
worth
of
work
on
is,
is
seven
seven,
the
Mariana
McCormick,
Housing,
Development
I,
think
I.
Think
the
feds,
with
the
helpless
even
Lynch
me
in
the
room,
they're
also
planning
on
something
like
a
a
500
million
or
an
800
million
dollar
investment.
There
I've
been
involved
in
the
in
the
in
the
planning
of
the
whole
area.
H
There
I've
been
involved
in
Rail
City
money
going
down
there
and
again,
my
neighborhoods
that
are
in
every
map
looking
to
get
caught
up
and
split
out
of
there
historic
district
I've
I've
done
Garvey
Park
I've
done.
There
was
there's
a
library
up
there
that
I'm
heavily
involved
that
I'm
heavily
involved
in
the
business
Community
is
there
Dodd
Ave
is
an
interest.
That's
there
and
again,
when
I
ran
12
years
ago,
my
district
was
the
Dorchester
District.
H
It
was
all
Dorchester
we're
talking
about
so
so,
if
I
need
to
gain
6500,
why
are
we
going
into
me
and
cutting
major
squats
out
of
out
of
a
district
I?
Think
it's
I
think
it
runs
contrary
because
of
I
think
political
aspirations
and
I've.
Given
you
a
path
of
what
the
woman
said
today,
it's
less
about
numbers,
so
if
we
cut
all
in
a
Ponce
it
out
and
give
it
to
Brian,
he
goes
to
14
from
9.5.
Is
it?
H
Is
it
worth
that
that
incremental
bump
to
to
what
what
I'm
saying
is
you're
being
harmful
to
my
neighborhoods
in
the
work
that
happens
in
Dorchester
along
that
dot-in
spine?
It
all
works
together.
My
field
house,
my
field
house
in
thirteen,
three,
that's
for
all
of
Dorchester!
That's
for
people!
That's
that's!
For
kids
up
in
Ward
15,
that's
for
kids
in
Savin
Hill,
that's
their
kids
in
the
ponset
and
and
I
would
argue.
H
I
would
argue
that
the
the
the
the
Community
Center
in
Grove
Hall,
that
was
that
was
a
that
was
a
request
for
for
a
feasibility
study
that
came
out
of
my
office
for
a
stand-alone
stand-alone
community
community
center
in
Dorchester
someplace,
because
of
all
of
our
community
centers
are
wrapped
into
into
the
schools
the
Murphy
the
Murphy
School.
Has.
It
has
a
a
very
robust
team,
young
kids
program.
They
can't
use
the
pool
when,
because
Latin
Latin
uses
the
pool
there.
H
So
my
work,
my
work
asking
for
a
feasibility
study
in
the
in
the
Walsh
administering
Administration
it
coming
to
fruition
isn't
is
in
is
in
Grove
Hall,
so
my
work
is
mostly
Dorchester.
Work
I
got
sent
into
the
south
end
the
last
time.
That's
I,
don't
think
I
mean
I'll
gladly
represent
the
south
end,
but
I
think
there's
more
commonality
and
I
think
a
better
opportunity
District.
What
did
she
call
it?
A
effective,
effective
District
by
giving
me
all
of
Saint,
Greg's
and
and
keeping
it
intact
with
Saint
Brendan's
and
Saint
Anne's
I.
H
Think
there's
commonality
between
those
communities
and
I
think
I'll
keep
saying
it.
The
minority
candidate
comes
out
of
17
4,
17,
12
or
17
14
to
run
for
this
seat.
There's
it's
it's
home
ownership.
It's
it's!
You
know
the
the
the
it's
one
f2f
5000
zoning
is
a
lot
is,
is
the
same
I
think,
there's
I
think
there's
a
lot
of
Union
people
up
on
the
other
side
of
of
Dodd
Ave
there,
which
would
be
firefighters,
police
officers,
utility
workers,
city
workers,
I.
H
Think,
there's
commonality
between
that
that
that
that
that
lower
end
and
I
think
I
think
the
efforts
whatever
they
are,
whatever
the
underlying
the
underlying
charge
is
I
think
it's
basically
diluting
District
three
into
into
something
that
is,
is
not
going
to
be
an
effective
district
for
anybody
to
be
totally
honest
with
you
and
and
part
of
that
is
by
cutting
its
historic
core.
Oh,
why
am
I
shedding
shedding
all
kinds
of
precincts
in
my
core
when
I
need
to
gain?
I
I
said
Thank,
you
thank
you,
madam
chair.
Just
a
couple
of
things
that
I
just
sort
of
random
things
that
I
think
are
worth
mentioning.
One
thing
just
was
that
I
want
because
councilor
Flynn
mentioned
it.
I
just
do
want
a
flag
for
people
that
312
when
we
were
re-precincting.
There
was
some
considerable
effort
made
to
make
sure
that,
like
all
of
the
large
Chinese
buildings
that
are
in
the
downtown
crossing
area,
are
all
inside
of
312.
I
So
I
do
just
want
a
flag
that
I
think
that
that's
a
Precinct
that
we've
talked
about
before
the
sort
of
Greater,
Chinatown,
Dynamic
and
I
do
think.
312
belongs
with
the
roster
of
Chinatown.
G
I
I
I
absolutely
hear
you
counselor
sorry
I,
just
yeah
I'm,
just
saying
that
I
think
the
same
arguments
that
had
us
talking
about
keeping
nine
one
and
eight
one
are
at
play
for
312,
so
just
wanted
to
register
that
I.
Also
I
was
wondering
if
you
know,
and
and
I
do
think
you
know
I
do
think
counselor
Baker
just
to
flag
that,
in
terms
of
feeling,
like
targeted
I,
mean
the
other
direction
that
District
Four
could
go
to
like
take
to
get
more
white
representation
would
be
towards
Savin
Hill,
which
nobody's
proposing.
I
So
you
know,
I
do
think
that
the
reality
is
is
like
it's
like.
There
are
probably
multiple
cores,
like
someone's
asking
me
what's
in
the
course
I'm
just
saying
that
if
you
I'm
just
saying,
if
you
think
about
where
the
demographic
spread
is
right,
like
there's
like
nobody's,
nobody's,
been
proposing
that
but
I
think
that
you
know
it's.
It's
tough,
because
I
think
all
of
us
feel
like
multiple
parts
of
our
district.
Our
core
to
our
district
is
the
only
is
the
only
point
that
I
would
make
on
the
I.
I
know.
I
I
won't
make
us
move
the
thing,
but
just
in
terms
of
well,
maybe
can
you
go
to
the
Arroyo
Brandon
map
yeah
too.
Just
for
a
second,
you
know:
I
I
think
that
I
do
just
want
a
flag
but
like
having
having
worked
at
the
Housing
Authority
I
do
think
it's
not
optimal
for
us
to
both
be
splitting
West
Broadway
and
be
splitting
Old
Colony,
as
we
are
smart
and
so.
N
I
Once
they
once
we
get
the
numbers
up,
just
waiting,
thank
you
and
then,
if
you
zoom
in
one
more.
I
Yeah,
so
if
you
can
you
put
your
cursor
over
six
three
Wayne,
so
people
can
see
it
so
six
three,
there
is
a
sort
of
small
Precinct
and
it's
got
about
a
third
of
the
of
the
West
Broadway
housing
development
in
it,
whereas
for
the
rest,
is
in
six
two
right
above
it
to
me.
That's
the
first
precinct
that
you
would
flip
back
to
D2
here
in
part
because
it's
actually
a
Precinct.
That's
like
it's!
It's
very
core
to
the
map
like
the
grid
of
South
Boston.
I
It's
splitting
quite
a
compact
small
Housing
Development,
which,
unlike
Old
Colony,
is
not
sprawling
across
three
precincts
and
it's
not
actually
doing
anything
to
diversify,
District
three
either
this
Precinct.
I
I
That
would
be
my
gut
on
on
the
prioritization
there,
just
from
a
kind
of
BHA
perspective,
yeah
and
then
just
the
only
other
thing
I
wanted
to
say
was
that
to
me
and
I
said
this
before,
but
I
think
like
running
some
of
these
numbers
over
the
weekend
and
getting
stuff
from
the
Law
Department
about
Effectiveness
is
really
important.
I
I
do
have
a
hesitation
about
the
flip
that
was
described
as
happening
in
this
map
for
District
Two,
because
I
do
think
it's
I
I,
don't
think
you
want
to
see
a
situation
where
to
make
D3
effective,
we're
flipping
D2
like
I'm
a
little
nervous
about
that.
So
there's
a
reference
to
to
making
so
basically
D2
as
it's
constituted
today
was
a
a
like
woo
first
place,
George
second
place
district,
and
in
this
map
it
becomes
a
Wasabi
George
first
place,
woo
second
place
district
and
so
I
think
it's
just
a
flag.
J
On
the
it
said,
just
the
opposite,
though:
yeah.
A
I
I
L
L
L
Okay,
I
get
distracted
with
with
others,
so
I
thought
you
were
going
to
go
back
and
forth
you
and
I
okay,
so
so,
president
or
future,
regardless
of
what
that
looks
like
right,
the
goal
is
for
us
to
remain
focused
on
what
this
exercise
is
all
about,
regardless
of
who
is
in
that
seat.
So
I
just
don't
want
us
to
get
into
those
type
of
conversations,
because
that
is
not
part
of
the
process.
L
So
I
just
want
to
just
name
that
one
and
number
two,
you
know
I
also
think
it's
important
you
just
because
somebody
happens
to
be
of
color
doesn't
necessarily
mean
there
are
progressive.
You
know
there
are
some
black
folks
who
are
pretty
conservative
that
might
do
well
in
the
district
right.
So
Brian
you
might
do
well
in
District
for
with
acquiring
16
and
some
of
the
other
pre
yeah
I'm.
Just
that
you
could
be
considered
conserved
I'm,
just
saying
you
know
what
I
mean
you
could
pass,
but
no,
no,
no,
no,
no,
no,
no
I'm!
L
Just
given
a
hypothetical,
it
could
be
anyone.
It
doesn't
have
to
be
Brian
in
particular,
I'm.
Just
saying
that,
as
we
continue
to
move
through
this
exercise,
it's
really
important
for
us
to
remind
ourselves
again.
This
is
about
the
Voting
Rights
Act
right
keeping
ourselves
focused
on
what
the
exercise
is
and
not
creating
hypotheticals
scenarios
about
electability
based
I,
just
I,
just
feel
like
we're
going
down
a
rabbit
hole
that
takes
us
away
from
the
conversation.
L
So
just
I
just
want
to
ask
us
to
remain
focused
and
not
look
at
things
that
we
doesn't
really
inform
the
work.
That's
all
I
wanted.
L
K
Ready
for
Monday,
if
we're
trying
to
so
I,
can't
see
the
small
map.
Well,
is
this
weighing
the
Braden
Arroyo
map?
That's
up
here?
K
M
K
Sorry
yeah
so
when
1610,
that
is
all
of
Saint
Ian,
so
Saint
Anne's
is
cut
out
of
the
Saint
Brendan
in
his
16-6
and
16
8,
where
I
live
in
166..
That
is,
that
Saint
Mark
16664..
So
it
is
combining
Saint
Greg
Saint
Brendan,
like
the
Lower
Mills
Cedar
Grove,
but
it
is
disconnecting
Neponset
the
port
and
Saint
Mark,
so
it
isn't.
Okay,
I
just
wanted
to
be
clear
that
that
map
does
split
right
through
the
middle.
K
M
I
guess
my
only
question
is
next
steps
and
what
can
we
expect
in
the
next
working
session
like?
Are
we
gonna,
like
everything
that
we
just
talked
about?
Are
we
going
to
see
on
a
map
or.
A
I
think
synthesizing,
some
of
this
thinking
you
know,
there's
there's
a
few
particular
areas
of
concern
with
regard
to
the
public
housing
inside
Boston
I
would
want
to
navigate
that
questions
and
I
think
we'll
just
keep
to
continue,
bring
your
questions
and
your
thoughts
to
the
table.
This
is
a
thinking
exercise
for
all
of
us
and
I
want.
Anyone
really
want
to
thank
everyone
for
being,
and
this
I
think
it's
a
good
idea
to
come
around
the
table
and
really
talk
to
each
other
and
not
talk
on
each
other.