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From YouTube: July 11, 2018 Housing Policy & Development Committee
Description
Minneapolis Housing Policy & Development Committee Meeting
A
Good
afternoon,
monocots
order
our
meeting
today.
This
is
a
meeting
of
the
housing
policy
and
Development
Committee.
This
is
our
regularly
scheduled
meeting
of
July
11th
I'm
cam
Gordon,
chair
of
the
committee
and
I'm
joined
by
committee
members,
Kevin,
Reich,
Jeremy,
Schrader,
Lisa,
bender
and
Lisa
Goodman
and
I
believe
that
Jeremiah
Ellison
will
be
arriving
shortly,
might
be
coming
a
little
bit
late.
We
only
have
three
items
on
our
agenda
today
and
they're
all
discussion
items,
so
we
don't
have
any
consent
agenda
to
go
through.
A
The
first
one
is
going
to
be
a
report
on
gentrification
in
Minneapolis
and
I'll
invite
folks
to
get
ready
and
set
up
for
that
if
they
want
to
right
now
and
I'll.
Let
people
know
the
world's
going
to
be
discussing
our
housing
policy
and
development
work
plan
and
also
we're
going
to
be
getting
an
overview
of
the
Minneapolis
2040
policies
that
have
to
do
with
housing,
but
first
were
fortunate
enough
to
have
the
expertise
and
wisdom
of
the
academic
team
over
at
the
Center
for
urban
and
regional
affairs
at
the
University
of
Minnesota.
A
Who
did
a
report
in
some
extensive
research
on
gentrification,
both
in
Minneapolis
and
st.
Paul,
and
there
get
I
asked
him
to
come
in
and
give
us
a
little
report.
This
actually
will
tie
in
with
some
work.
We're
going
to
be
looking
at
probably
in
a
few
months
having
to
do
with
the
work,
we're
doing
a
policy
link
about
and
a
displacement
policy
and
the
network
that
they
have
so
I'm
gonna.
Let
you
come
up
and
introduce
yourselves
I
believe
we're
gonna
hear
from
Professor
gets
welcome
right.
Thank.
B
You
very
much
thanks
for
the
invitation
council.
Members
were
very
pleased
to
be
here
to
talk
to
you
today
about
the
study
we
did.
I
met
gets
the
director
of
Kyra
Brittany.
Dr.
Brittany
Lewis
will
also
speak.
She'll,
give
you
the
results
of
our
qualitative.
The
qualitative
aspect
of
our
research
and
Tony
Damiano
was
central
to
the
analysis
as
well,
and
he's
got
all
the
answers
to
any
questions
that
you
have.
B
So
we
took
a
look
at
gentrification
in
Minneapolis
and
in
st.
Paul
today,
we'll
focus
on
on
Minneapolis
and
I.
Just
want
to
briefly
describe
how
we
did
this
study
because
of
the
definition
of
gentrification.
There
are
some
neighborhoods
to
which
this
question
just
doesn't
apply
right.
So
if
gentrification
is
the
change
in
in
in
disadvantaged
or
low
wealth,
communities
or
disinvested
communities,
then
there's
whole
portions
of
the
city
that
it's
really
sort
of
inappropriate
to
say
have
they
gentrified
or
not
right,
because
they're
they're
sort
of
out
of
that
category.
B
So
we
have
divided
the
city
into
essentially
three
different
areas:
those
places
that
are
not
vulnerable
to
gentrification,
those
that
are
vulnerable
and
the
ones
that
are
vulnerable
are
simply
distinguished
by
their
low
incomes
and
levels
of
disinvestment
that
they've
experienced
and
then
a
subset
of
that
group
is
the
neighborhoods
that
are
actually
experiencing
some
form
of
gentrification.
So
the
flow
chart
looks
a
little
bit
like
this.
We
first
asked
the
question:
is:
is
the
neighborhood
vulnerable
to
it?
B
B
B
We
didn't
want
to
be
criticized
for
cooking
the
books
by
creating
our
own
definition
of
gentrification,
so
we
used
three
different
gentrification
measures
and
we
decided
that
we're
at
least
two
of
them
agreed.
Then
we
would
identify
this
as
a
neighborhood
that
was
either
vulnerable
to
gentrification
or
actually,
as
gentrified
the
peach-colored
census.
Tracks
that
you
see
highlighted
are
the
ones
are
the
neighborhoods
that
are
the
focus
of
our
study.
B
A
B
Like
right,
so
the
the
map
you
have
in
front
of
you,
then
shows
the
light
and
dark
shades
of
blue.
The
dark
shades
of
blue
are
the
neighborhoods
that
actually
changed
in
the
ways
that
are
consistent
with
gentrification
between
2002
15.
The
light
blues
are
those
neighborhoods
that
were
vulnerable
to
gentrification,
but
actually
did
not
gentrify,
at
least
according
to
the
measures
that
that
we
used,
and
this.
D
Sorry,
mr.
chair,
well
either
I
talked
to
councilmember
bender
I
just
asked
my
question
out
loud.
So
I
would
do
that
I
hate
to
bring
this
up
and
it's
not
for
anything
other
than
potential
ignorant.
But
it
seems
like
the
word.
Gentrification
is
bad
and
I
guess
I
would
use
the
I
would
look
I,
look
at
your
map
and
what's
happening
in
Elliott,
Park
and
I
would
say
that
people
who
live
in
Elliott
Park,
including
low-income
renters,
would
not
say
what's
happening
in
Elliott.
Park
is
bad.
D
The
neighborhood
was
95%
rental
and
almost
that
amount,
affordable
rental
and
many
of
those
folks
are
on
their
board
and
they
feel
like
they
don't
get
good
services
and
they
felt
they
needed
to
bring
in
some
condos
in
order
to
rebalance
the
neighborhood
to
be
able
to
have
more
services
genuinely
associated
with
people
who
have
more
money
to
spend
on
services.
So
it
sounds
like
you're
using
the
word
gentrification
to
say
something.
B
Already
go
cut
straight
to
that,
so
so
we
talked
about
this
in
our
in
our
report.
The
gentrification
is
this
contested
term
and
that
some
people
see
gentrification
as
much
needed
improvement
in
neighborhoods
that
have
not
experienced
that
for
long
periods
of
time,
while
other
people
look
at
that
and
see
a
threat
to
their
continued
residence
in
a
neighborhood,
but
the
potential
for
cultural
displacement,
etc.
B
What
we
try
to
do
in
the
in
the
study
is
to
not
make
a
normative
argument.
We
have
adopted
three
definitions
of
what
other
researchers
have
identified
as
neighborhood
change.
That's
consistent
with
gentrification
we've
identified
where
that's
occurring
in
Minneapolis
and
and
then
part
of
Brittany's
work
was
to
do
interviews.
B
We
did
over
a
interviews
with
public
officials
with
neighborhood
leaders
with
neighborhood
residents
with
business
people
to
find
to
get
at
their
perceptions
at
what
is
going
on
in
the
neighborhoods,
and
we
came
across
evidence
of
the
kind
of
disagreements
that
your
that
you're
talking
about.
So
you.
D
D
B
To
say
the
opposite:
I
tried
to
say
that
we
identified
gentrification
as
kind
of
a
set
of
changes
in
the
market
in
the
housing
market
and
in
in
the
socioeconomic
status
demographics
of
a
neighborhood.
In
the
question
of
who
benefits
from
that
who
thinks
it's
good
and
who
thinks
it's
bad,
that's
the
politics
of
gentrification
and
that
wasn't
exactly
the
focus
on
our
city.
Whether.
B
B
A
B
All
right,
so
you
can
see
in
Minneapolis
that
close
to
40%
of
the
neighborhoods
that
were
vulnerable
to
gentrification
actually
did
change
in
ways
that
were
consistent
with
gentrification.
So
the
question
is
what
was
happening
in
those
neighborhoods
you.
You
look
at
the
first
graph
and
you
see
that
actually
in
the
aggregate
there
was
no
sort
of
change
in
the
percentage
african-americans
in
these
neighborhoods,
but
that
actually
hides
a
good
deal
of
variation
from
one
census
track
to
the
other.
B
We
found
neighborhoods
that
actually
lost
significant
percentage
of
african-americans
and
we
saw
other
neighborhoods
where
no
change
occurred
in
the
aggregate.
The
average
is
is
no
change
share
of
the
population
where
the
college
degree
went
up.
It
went
up
significantly
in
gentrifying
neighborhoods,
it
didn't
in
the
non
gentrifying
neighborhoods,
and
that
was
consistent
across
all
of
the
neighborhoods
that
we
that
we
identified
as
gentrified
housing
market
changes
were
also
consistent.
We
saw
significantly
higher
increases
in
median
rents
and
a
a
great.
E
B
More
increase
in
a
great
deal,
more
dramatic
increase
in
in
home
values
in
gentrifying
neighborhoods,
compared
to
those
that
were
vulnerable
but
did
not
gentrify
and
then
finally-
and
these
are
interesting-
we
actually
found
that
the
median
household
income
did
not
increase
even
in
gentrifying
neighborhoods,
and
in
fact
we
saw
that
the
poverty
rate
was
increasing
even
in
gentrifying
neighborhoods.
Now
this
is
one
sort
of
counter
to
what
people
would
expect
when
they
think
about
gentrifying
neighborhoods
is:
doesn't
that
mean
that
the
place
is
getting
more
affluent
etc.
B
So
we
took
a
closer
look
at
those
neighborhoods
where
the
medians
were
we're,
not
moving
up,
in
fact
we're
moving
downward
and
what
we
found
that
explains.
These
two
graphs
is
that
we
found
gentrifying,
neighborhoods
or
actually
increasing
in
inequality,
so
you'll
actually
had
more
poverty
in
those
neighbors.
So
let
me
talk
you
through
this
graph.
The
horizontal
axis
is
household
income,
so,
on
the
far
left,
are
those
households
who
are
very
low
income
they're
at
the
first
ten
percentile,
the
lowest
ten
percentile
of
the
income
distribution.
B
And
then,
as
you
go
to
the
right,
you
you
describe
higher
income
residents.
Okay
and
then
the
the
vertical
axis
is
the
change
in
the
income
of
those
households
over
the
15
years
of
our
study
right
and
what
you
see
are
three
different
lines.
The
the
one
line
is
those
high
income
neighborhoods
at
the
beginning,
the
ones
that
we
didn't
really
study
and
then
the
other
two
lines
are
the
vulnerable
neighborhoods
that
did
not
gentrify
and
the
vulnerable
neighborhoods
that
did
gentrifying.
What
you
see
is
is
a
couple
of
things.
B
First
of
all,
lower-income
people
across
all
three
different
types
of
neighborhoods
saw
a
decline
in
their
in
over
this
past
15
years,
real
income.
You
even
saw
in
neighborhoods
that
were
vulnerable
to
gentrification,
but
did
not
gentrify.
You
even
saw
a
decline
in
income
at
the
top
end
of
the
distribution.
B
It
was
only
in
existing
high
income,
neighborhoods
and
gentrifying
neighborhoods
that
you
saw
both
a
decline
in
income
at
the
bottom
end
and
an
increase
in
income
at
the
top
end
of
the
of
the
income
distribution.
So
you're
seeing
a
greater
level
of
inequality
in
these
in
these
neighborhoods
and
that's
explaining
how
you
can
see
gentrification
in
a
census
tract
at
the
same
time
that
you
see
concentrations
of
poverty
or
even
increasing
poverty.
So.
A
I
just
want
to
ask
a
question
to
be
so
I'm
making
an
assumption
here
when
you
talk
about
number
of
bachelor's
degree
makes
a
change.
The
household
income
makes
changes
that
there's
actually
different
people
coming
into
the
neighborhood,
and
some
are
people
are
leaving
and
coming
in.
But
do
we
know
that
you.
B
A
F
Just
to
follow
up
on
that,
so
we
I'm,
assuming
you-
don't-
have
data
on
asking
question
who
gentrified
you
know
who
is
doing
who
is
moving
into
those
neighborhoods?
What's
that
change
it's
at
a
life
stage,
areas
of
people
in
different
life
stages
than
any
of
that?
That
would
be
for
another
study
right:
okay,.
B
We
don't
have
a
perfect
thanks
for
we
didn't
use
it,
we
don't
have
so
I
I
want
to
sort
of
give
Brittney
enough
time.
This
is
just
a
slide
that
just
shows
we
saw
lots
of
different
variation
in
gentrifying
neighborhoods,
some
places
where
percent
black
was
increasing
some
places,
Willard,
hey
and
Brian,
where
there
are
significant
declines
same
with
poverty
same
with
income.
This
is
just
to
show
that
gentrification
doesn't
look
the
same
in
every
in
every
census.
Tract
think
different
kinds
of
dynamics
can
be
taking
place.
What
we
did
see
that
was
the
same.
B
E
E
They
are
trying
to
understand
what
is
happening
with
them
at
the
table
or
not
so
I
want
to
make
sure
that
we
empower
that
value
to
you
all
before
I
begin
and
has
a
bit
of
a
chart
about
our
interests
in
investing
in
multiple
ways
of
knowing
there
are
cultural
ways
of
knowing
mainstream
geologists
often
dictate
certain
spaces
more
than
others.
We
want
to
make
sure
that
people's
voices
and
how
they're
experiencing
things
come
to
the
center
of
this
conversation,
just
as
much
as
the
amazing
data
work
that
the
quantitative
team
did
here
today.
E
So
I'll
kind
of
explain
a
little
bit
about
the
structure
of
our
qualitative
interviews,
so
we
did
thirty
initial
interviews
at
public
officials
or
neighborhood
leaders
and
from
those
interviews
we
did
snowball
sampling
and
we
did
58
additional
interviews
across
all
clusters
and
we
made
sure
to
get
a
representative
sample
of
home
owners,
business
owners,
renters
and
long-term
residents,
and
this
just
gives
you
a
general
sense
of
who
it
is.
We
talk
to
okay.
E
The
first
thing
I'll
do
is
talk
about
the
narrative
commonalities
and
dr.
gets
kind
of
alluded
to
this
a
little
bit
prior
to
me
coming
up
here.
That
gentrification
geographically
actually
does
look
different
across
any
given
kind
of
area,
and
the
twenty
is
a
great
example
of
that.
So
often
we
all
know
the
common
or
classic
discourses
of
gentrification
and
my
interviews,
a
hundred
percent
of
the
participants
identified
increasing
financial
costs.
The
folks
did
it
in
different
ways.
So,
for
instance,
here
is
a
quote.
E
If
I
look
at
my
customers,
you
used
to
be
able
to
get
one
or
two
bedroom
apartments
here
at
8.50
or
a
duplex
and
now
you're,
probably
looking
at
16
to
2,200
the
average
new
built
condo
is
1,100
and
doubles,
probably
22.
That's
absolutely
insane.
I
also
wanted
to
share
that
in
these
interviews.
We
would
place
actual
max
in
front
of
folks
of
the
actual
area
that
we
were
discussing
and
we
allowed
them
to
write
on
these
maps
if
it
ever
felt
so
relevant
and
folks
would
literally
write
I
lived
here.
E
I
paid
this
I
live
here,
I
paid
that
they
would
talk
about.
You
know
the
restaurants,
they
were
frequent
and
the
things
that
they
would
do
in
their
communities.
It
was
a
visual
aid
that
a
lot
of
folks
utilize
changes
in
demographics.
Eighty-Eight
percent
of
our
participants
identified
increases
of
whiteness
in
their
neighborhood,
as
well
as
53
percent
use,
the
synonymously
with
higher
incomes
and
more
professionals.
67
percent
identify
a
younger
population
moving
into
community
there's
a
quote
so
as
much
as
I
like
to
see
good
white
people
running
around
and
enjoying
their
community.
E
E
72%
of
our
respondents
noted
a
fear
of
physical
displacement
by
citing
the
inevitability
of
displacement.
This
matters
so
much
so
often
in
this
debate.
Identification
policymakers
in
particular,
are
saying
prove
to
us
that
physical
displacement
is
happening
without
wanting
to
talk
at
all
about
cultural,
political
or
other
forms
of
displacement
that
cause
people
to
make
decisions
about
where
they
live
and
how
they
live
and
how
they
interact
with
people,
fears
and
anxieties
matter.
Just
as
much
at
all,
people
are
making
decisions
in
community.
E
My
main
concern
is
affordable
housing
because
we
don't
have
affordable
housing,
we're
going
to
eventually
be
pushed
out
all
people
of
color,
not
just
black
people,
everybody
or
poor
people
period.
The
sentiment
that
was
shared
67
percent
of
our
participants
identified
new
businesses
or
business
developments
on
characteristic
of
neighborhood
as
a
sign
of
gentrification,
but
I
really
want
to
focus
a
bit
on
the
narrative
distinctions
within
north
northeast
and
the
South
clustered
so
in
north
and
here's
a
a
map
of
the
actual
cluster
area
that
we
did.
E
These
interviews
in
three
major
themes
came
out
frequently
a
lack
of
community-based
ownership,
a
new
way
of
development,
neglecting
resident
voices
and
historic,
designation
being
used
as
a
tool
of
gentrification.
These
are
kind
of
the
main
frameworks
that
folks
talked
about
what
they
saw
happening
so
in
this
corner.
E
There
was
a
number
of
folks
that
talked
about
this
debate
that
took
place
I'm
sure
you're,
all
well
aware
of
the
historic
preservation
debate
which,
at
this
point
has
been
tabled.
The
debate
between
you
know,
defining
this
place
is
historically
designated
maintaining
architectural
standards.
That
means
some
folks
can't
I
won't
be
able
to
live
in
on
fixed
incomes,
etc
and
short
folks
or
the
potential
gated
community.
E
E
Brewers
are
makers
now
and
if
you
can
mass-produce
your
work
from
the
tech
industry
to
the
digital
industry,
you're
more
competitive,
in
a
way
that
those
folks
that
came
to
Northeast
for
refuge
can
no
longer
maintain
themselves
leasing
costs
live
workspace.
It's
hard
to
maintain
in
these
spaces
as
many
athletes,
so
South
Minneapolis
had
a
number
of
different
neighborhoods
within
the
cluster,
and
if
there
are
some
questions
about
specific
areas,
I
can
more
than
one
to
answer
those
questions.
E
The
Fraser,
the
commonality
that
came
out
of
these
interviews,
the
fear
of
Uptown
new
businesses,
don't
match
historic
needs
and
a
lack
of
resources
available
for
established
community
driven
businesses.
So
the
fear
of
Uptown
I
mean
folks
use
Uptown
as
a
verb.
If
you're
from
in
Spin
City,
most
folks
live
here,
they
have
a
sense
of
you
know:
where's
uptown
on
what's
happening
to
Uptown
great,
you
know
historic
mom
and
pop
cultural
enclaves
become
the
big
top
shops
right
and
they
use
this
way
to
describe
the
fears
and
what
they're
seeing
the
$20
candle
shop.
E
That
I
know
is
moved
across
here
there
was
a
notation
of
a
coffee
shop
called
the
Blue,
Ox
and
folks
talked
about
interacting
with
that
former
owner
and
their
unwillingness
right
to
think
about
the
business
model.
What
the
community
needed
didn't
last
long
and
someone
else
came
in
so
this
kind
of
reiterates.
This
new
business
is
not
matching
right.
The
nature
of
the
community
behind
such
an
artsy
area
I
also
interacted
with
business
owners
on
both
queer
and
of
color.
E
I
think
two
things
I'd
like
to
it
was
kind
of
takeaways
from
this
we're
in
our
San
Francisco
we're
not
New
York.
The
way
in
with
gentrification
is
taking
place
here
geographically,
is
different
across
these
five
cluster
areas
and
the
three
cluster
areas
in
Minneapolis,
specifically
I'd,
argue
I,
heard
some
very
distinct
realities
taking
place
in
Northeast
that
don't
necessarily
aligned
with
what's
happening
in
north,
and
that
is
a
reality
based
on
its
historic
disinvestment,
right
I'm,
who
was
manufactured
to
be
contained
in
certain
communities
and
how
that
has
created
the
realities
we
have
today.
E
All
right,
so
here's
just
kind
of
some
summary
for
us
all
to
think
more
deeply
about
and
we're
all
available
for
some
questions.
Afterward
intricated
is
happening
and
many
parts
of
the
city,
as
dr.
Getz
noted
in
his
initial
kind
of
address
with
you
all,
the
purpose
of
this
project
was
not
to
say
if
it
was
good
or
bad,
it
was
sucess.
It
was
it's
different
forms
across
different
neighborhoods.
We
found
that
to
be
extremely
compelling
as
we
analyze
the
data
and
we
met
with
folks.
E
We
found
different
ways
that
intricacy
and
the
characteristics
were
taking
place
based
on
our
designation
of
the
economy
in
certain
areas.
Historic,
designation
or
business
development
on
certain
corridors
really
shaped
how
people
were
experiencing
this
differently
across
the
city.
Gentrification
is
occurring
even
in
neighborhoods,
where
poverty
is
increasing.
This
is
about
an
apology
following
income
that
the
low-end
rising
incomes
at
the
top
again
I
think
is
an
amazing
contribution
at
the
qualitative
component
of
this
project
has
made
to
the
conversation
of
Education.
How
can
you
have
poverty
and
high
incomes
in
the
same
place?
E
We
should
think
real
critically
about
that.
This
equation
is
not
just
physical.
We
found
evidence
of
cultural,
political
and
social
displacement.
We've
had
folks
share
with
us
some
cultural
centers
that
have
been
displaced
as
a
result
of
gentrification.
A
lot
of
it
has
to
do
with
increasing
leasing
costs.
They've
also
heard
of
some
fairly
unscrupulous
practices
from
some
folks
holding
on
to
businesses
intentionally
and
not
investing
in
it
and
how
that's
affected
business
owners
in
local
community
members
residents
were
often
frustrated
by
a
declining
sense
of
belonging
and
ownership.
E
This
part
to
me,
like
really
stood
out
for
me
in
the
interviews,
belong
in
ownership
matters.
The
citizens
that
you
all
represent
need
to
feel
like
they
belong.
They
need
to
feel
like
they
have
a
stake
in
the
community
in
which
they're
invested,
because
then
they'll
put
investments
in
the
communities
themselves.
I
think
that
matters
I
think
this
placement
fears
often
dictate
how
neighbors
interact
with
one
another.
Oh
I've
heard
some
interesting
stories
from
neighbors
who
are
identifying
the
gentry
and
how
they
interact
with
them
right
and
or
the
political
move.
E
E
It
influences
people
to
make
decisions
about
where
they
move,
how
they
build
relationships
and
coalition's
right,
I
think
impact
city
passes
in
many
ways.
I
mean
I,
think
things
that
are
electives
and
others
should
think
deeply
about.
Thank
you
so
much.
If
there
are
any
questions,
we
are
more
than
willing
to
answer.
I.
A
C
C
Most
of
my
ward
in
the
quantitative
side,
at
least
at
the
map
I'm
looking
at
in
my
interpretation
of
it,
didn't
meet
the
criteria
for
gentrification,
but
I
know
that
in
my
ward
of
80%
renters,
their
lived
experience
is
to
be
in
deep
fear
of
displacement
from
their
community
and
I
know.
Also
that
the
most
vulnerable
of
my
constituents
are
most
at
risk
and
are
most
affected
by
that
fear,
and
that
includes
my
lowest
income.
C
Constituents
and
particularly
physicians,
have
any
kind
of
vulnerability
around
you
know
the
records
or
their
immigration
status
or
anything
that
makes
them
more
vulnerable
to
intimidation
or
creates
challenges
and
finding
housing.
So
I
really
appreciate
the
kind
of
both
approaches
to
the
work
and
I
just
wanted
to
say
that
I
think
as
policymakers
I
don't
know
how
my
colleagues
feel,
but
I
think
this
is
really
informative
and
I
also
feel
like
what
I'm
taking
from
it
is.
Is
these
pieces
that
are
translating
into
the
policy
work
we're
doing,
which
is?
C
How
are
we
stabilizing
housing,
particularly
from
vulnerable
renters
in
the
city
and
that
piece
of
it?
How
are
we
building
wealth
in
neighborhoods
for
living?
Come
people
who
live
in
place,
so
maybe
in
the
future,
we'll
see
census
tracts
where
income
is
rising
and
education
level
is
rising,
and
that
will
be
a
good
thing
because
it
is
benefiting
the
people
who
live
in
that
place
and
I
know.
A
number
of
our
colleagues
are
working
on
that
approach.
C
So
I
think
this
gives
us
one
measure
and
a
lot
of
takeaways,
but
I
also
think
about
it
myself
and
a
bigger
policy
context
around
community
wealth
building,
particularly
in
communities
of
color,
that
have
seen
income
strapped
traumatically
around
housing
stability.
That
is
an
issue
even
in
neighborhoods
that
don't
meet
this
criteria,
so
that
was
my
comment
in
reflection
on
the
presentation
and
I'm
really
grateful
for
you
for
being
here
today.
A
Thank
you,
I
I
was
curious.
If
you
had
an
explanation
for
the
to
grow,
the
growth
and
income
disparity
I
mean
my
assumption.
There
would
be
that
some
middle
or
lower
middle
income
people
are
being
pushed
out
of
the
neighborhood
somehow,
but
the
people
who
are
deeper
in
poverty
aren't
because
they
have
nowhere
to
go,
but
that's
just
kind
of
a
extrapolating
and
jumping
to
conclusions.
Do
you
have
any
theories
about
that?
Well,.
A
B
A
Guess
I'm
also
curious
have
been
any
of
the
interviews.
People
talked
about
friends
or
neighbors
who
had
left
because
I
think
we
heard
some
about
the
fear
of
displacement
and
I
know.
We
didn't
you're,
saying
the
study
didn't
track
people
to
see
that
they
left
her
came
in,
but
whether
anecdotes
about
who's
left
and
and
that,
maybe
you
could
share
a
little
of
that.
E
I
can
recall
a
number
of
artists
in
particular,
and
are
they
talking
about
they're
having
to
go
further
into
the
suburbs
to
find
the
workspace?
Another
artist
continues
to
have
to
downsize
space,
because
the
cost
of
the
square
foot
per
space
I
can
recall,
particularly
if
I'm,
going
to
st.
Paul
an
example
which
kind
of
st.
Paul
in
the
south
cluster
had
some
narratives
about
the
lack
of
folks,
except
in
section
8
and
having
to
choose
between
moving
I.
E
E
There
are
folks
that
are
couch
hopping
right
just
to
stay
in
the
central
city.
Folks
that
have
leases
that
have
lots
more
people,
then,
should
be
living
there
because
they
can't
move
further
out
because
they
don't
have
the
systems
of
support,
so
it's
family
to
help
with
their
children
or
what
have
you
and
so
they're
doing
those
things
to
kind
of
support.
One
another
they're,
not
apologetic
about
those
tactics.
E
That's
very,
very
common
other
folks.
This
didn't
come
up
as
much
in
Minneapolis,
which
are
kind
of
surprised
me,
but
who
can
afford
tax
credit.
Housing
was
a
huge
conversation
with
a
lot
of
our
st.
Paul
residents.
But
if
you
look
at
the
local
ami
and
the
regionally
in
mine
who
can
afford
it,
yes,
the
young
professional
can
move
in
and
afford
it,
but
the
local
resident,
who
is
historic
to
that
space?
Cannot.
E
So
we're
talking
about
affordable
or
what
is
affordable,
right
and
I
have
to
be
really
honest
about
ourselves
about
what
that
means,
and
this
data
is
very
stark
and
I
think
that's
happening
across
the
city.
So
then
you're
forcing
your
constituents
on
to
make
kind
of
survival
decisions
right
that
might
not
fall
in
line
with
our
laws
or
some
of
our
ethics
might
tell
us
all
right.
This
is
what
fear
and
anxiety
does
so.
B
I
did
think
of
one
response
that
I
am
neglected
to
mention
it's
true
when
we
look
at
income
and
we
look
at
education
and
we
see
changes
over
time-
we're
not
sure
whether
that's
new
people
or
existing
people,
but
the
one
place
where
we
can
see
actual
movement
of
people
out
of
these
neighborhoods
is
the
race
variable.
We
saw
in
a
number
of
neighborhoods
a
significant
decline
in
in
the
number
and
the
percentage
of
African
Americans.
B
B
A
A
Park
was
one
of
them
in
your
study
where
actually
the
home
values
were
decreasing,
but
gentrification
was
identified
there
and
and
like
we
talked
about
displacement,
gentrifying
isn't
really
measuring
that
so
I'm
wondering
if
you
have
any
thoughts
on
how
useful
is
this
as
a
as
a
term
to
help
us
judge
policy,
because
what
we
would
love
to
have
is
something
like
gentrification
and
say:
decide
if
it's
good
or
bad
and
then
measure
it
happening
and
seeing
what
we
could
do
to
influence
that
happen.
So
well.
B
I
I
think
your
point
is
well-taken
I.
Think
the
the
term
has
reached
that
point
where
it
generates
more
heat
than
light
right
it.
It's
not
quite
clear,
especially
when
you
have,
as
we
found
different
processes
taking
place
so
I
mean
III.
Think
it's
perhaps
time
to
look
more
carefully
at
the
specific
changes
that
are
taking
place
in
neighborhoods
rather
than
then
just
using
the
label.
Gentrification
I
think
it's
cure
is
a
great
deal.
B
I
will
say
that
that
often
times
you
know
this
question
of
whether
it's
good
or
bad
is
not
one
that
is
easily
answered,
because
it
tends
to
be
good
for
some
people
and
bad
for
a
different
group
of
people,
and
so
it's
hard
to
sort
of
figure
out
what
the
balance
sheet
should
look
like
and
when
it's
on
the
whole
good
or
on
the
whole
right.
So
that's
another
reality
of
gentrification
that
makes
it
complicated.
We.
A
I,
don't
think
the
gentrification
of
commercial
space
and
just
hearing
that
stories
about
the
artists,
space
and
we've.
Certainly
those
of
us
who've
been
around
Minneapolis
for
a
long
time.
Remember
the
old
warehouse
district
and
all
the
music
and
the
bands
and
the
dance
people
struggling
and
they're
really
really
super
affordable
spaces.
You
could
get
there
and
that's
completely
gone
now.
Some
probably
did
go
to
Northeast
for
a
while
and
find
some
space
and
now
they're
searching
elsewhere,
but
I
think
that
happens
with
other
commercial
space
in
this
city
too,
which
is
also
a
concern.
A
B
B
Of
sort
of
tool
boxes
for
gentrification
that
exist
in
various
locations,
three
really
very
well-known
ones.
We
thought
that
it
wouldn't
be
a
great
contribution
on
our
part
to
replicate
that
what
we're
going
to
do
instead
is
take
a
look
at
efforts
that
are
occurring
here
locally
and
to
sort
of
take
a
look
at
them.
A
B
A
C
You
mr.
chair,
you
know,
I
just
had
another
thought
in
reflecting
on
the
map
of
the
quantitative
study
and
a
couple
of
things
about
that,
particularly
since
we
have
the
comp
plan
update
coming
up.
One
is
that
you
really
see
a
pattern,
at
least
in
the
neighborhoods,
that
I'm
more
familiar
with
in
Wharton
and
nearby
of
seeing
gentrification
identified
in
those
neighborhoods
that
have
the
most
new
development
and
they
are
around
public
amenities
like
new
transit
lines
or
the
Midtown
Greenway,
so
I
think
there's.
Maybe
a
couple
things
to
take
from
that
one
is.
C
We
should
probably
be
thoughtful
as
a
city
and
a
region
about
how
we
are
planning
for
future,
like
when
we're
putting
in
a
public
amenity
to
understand
how
that's
affecting
property,
values,
home
prices,
commercial,
rent
prices,
and
if
we
are
intentional
and
committed
to
maintaining
affordability,
having
a
plan
in
place
to
mitigate
those
impacts.
The
second
piece
is,
if
we
had
had
an
inclusionary
housing
requirement
in
these
places,
where
we've
seen
a
lot
of
new
development
that
could
have
helped
some
of
these
numbers.
C
E
First
thing,
you
know,
argue
whether
it's
through
you
know,
equity,
toolkits
or
equity
analysis
that
you
can
use
before
you
introduce
a
policy
right
which
I
understand
and
those
even
the
word
agree.
You
know
throughout
different
forms
of
government.
It's
only
a
word
until
you
actually
give
power,
so
I
think
what
you're
describing
is
exactly
what
should
be
taking
place.
Any
development
that
takes
place
across
the
country
should
be
assessing
its
impact
in
the
community
goes
in,
and
there
should
be
tools
that
assess
the
equity
of
that
and
I
believe
those
tools
actually
do
exist.
E
I've
seen
something
come
across,
so
I'm
not
quite
sure
how
some
folks
are
using
it
when
where
and
how
and
when
people
decide
to
use
it.
But
I
think
that
those
discussions
and
debates
should
always
already,
you
know,
be
happening
and
a
question
of
like
the
good
or
bad
narrative.
I
thought.
The
reason
we're
uncomfortable
with
that
conversation
is
because
it
implicates.
E
We
are
all
implicated
in
it
and
that's
why
it
was
a
hard
discussion
to
have
your
respect.
Then
everyone
I
interviewed,
wants
to
benefit
from
these
changes.
No
one
I
interviewed
doesn't
believe
in
new
development
of
creating
amenities.
Not
one
person
doesn't
want
those
things.
The
reason
we're
having
such
a
hard
time
is
because
we're
implicating
some
people
have
more
power
to
decide
what
communities
look
like
and
I
think
we're
going
to
do
anything
positive.
A
Thank
you,
I
think
that
makes
a
nice
closing
I,
don't
see
any
other
questions
or
comments,
so
really
appreciate
that
and
we'll
look
forward
to
the
next
phase
of
this
as
it
comes
forward
and
I'll
just
I
mean
there's,
certainly
a
lot
more
information
available
online
for
folks,
even
though
the
report
isn't
published,
there's
a
pretty
large
presentation,
that's
available.
We
also
now
have
the
PowerPoint
presentation
on
the
city's
website
as
well,
and
some
links
to
some
other
things
like
I
think
right
over
to
cure.
A
So
the
only
action
we
have
to
take
on
this
is
express
our
gratitude
and
then
we'll
vote
on
receiving
and
filing
the
report.
All
those
in
favor,
please
say
aye
opposed.
The
motion
carries
then
and
now
we'll
move
on
to
our
second
item
on
the
agenda,
which
is
the
housing
policy
development
committee
work
plan.
A
G
G
This
is
another
receive
and
file
item
before
you
requested
your
season
file
which
identifies
the
work
plan
of
housing
related
work
that
is
currently
underway.
That
will
come
before
this
committee.
I
believe,
there's
one
exception
of
an
item
on
here
that
is
related
to
affordable
housing,
but
we'll
be
reviewed
by
the
economic
development
and
regulatory
Services
Committee.
G
But
every
other
item
will
come
back
to
this
committee
in
some
fashion,
and
so
we
wanted
to
put
all
of
these
work
items
in
one
place:
put
them
before
you
so
that
with
a
sort
of
estimated
timeline,
when
we
think
they
will
be
coming
forward
so
that
you
have
a
sense
of
the
work
that
is
currently
underway.
How
relates
to
how?
G
Each
item
relates
to
one
another,
and
just
so
that
you
know
that
there's
a
lot
of
work
going
on
what
I
wanted
to
call
out,
specifically
just
related
to
the
other
things
that
are
on
the
agenda
today.
One,
the
the
study
that
Kyra
did
is
on
this
work
plan
is
the
and
that
the
the
chair
Gordon,
you
mentioned
the
Allen
city's
anti
displacement
policy,
Network,
councilmember,
Ellison
and
council.
Vice
president
Jenkins
are
participating
in
this
committee,
and
we
do.
G
We
have
had
Kyra's
participation
in
this
because
we
see
them
as
a
really
strong
and
important
data
partner
in
this
work
and
some
of
the
discussion
that
is
happening
in
that
committee
in
terms
of
potential
work
items
include
things
such
as,
like
an
impact
statement,
analysis
that
councilmember
bender
mentioned
about
looking
at
what
may
be
potential
benefits
of
investment
and
and
how
can
any
potential
displacement
pressures
be
mitigated.
Other
issues
are
things
such
as
reframing?
G
How
we
talk
about
different
parts
of
our
city
in
terms
of
looking
at
demographic
data
such
as
poverty
rates
and
rates
of
white
versus
people,
color
population,
so
reframing.
Some
of
that
narrative
also
looking
at
you
know
really
who
is
benefiting
from
investment.
That's
that's
happening
in
community,
so
those
are
some
of
the.
G
So
the
anti
displacement
policy
network
is
one
of
the
headings
under
here,
but
it's
it's
envision
that
a
lot
of
sort
of
see
work
is
going
to
be
discussed
and
a
lot
of
that
work
is
also
identified
separately,
as
listed
here
so
just
to
name
a
couple:
there's
a
fair
amount
of
work,
that's
happening
in
preserving
the
naturally
occurring,
affordable
housing
about
half
of
low-income
renters
in
the
city.
More
than
half
of
low-income
renters
in
the
city
actually
live
in
non
subsidized
housing,
rental
housing.
G
So
you
know
the
the
need
to
preserve
the
affordability
and
the
quality
of
that
housing
is
a
really
important
anti
displacement
strategy.
Another
related
item-
some
policy
work-
that's
on
here
that
also
is
related
to
anti
displacement,
is
advance
notice
of
sale
and
renter
protections
ordinance
introductions
that
have
been
made
that
we'll
be
working
on
and
bringing
forward.
So
a
lot
of
this
work
is
very
related
to
the
the
work
that
pura
has
presented
today.
G
So
I
just
wanted
to
point
that
out
and
then
also
the
next
thing
on
the
agenda
is
presentation
on
the
housing
elements
of
the
comprehensive
plan,
and
so
that
that's
also
housing
policy
work
that
that's
underway
here.
That's
listed
on
the
work
plan
and
related
to
that
is
research
and
work
that
we'll
be
bringing
forward
related
to
inclusionary
housing
that
we
see
is
going
for
in
tandem
with
with
the
comp
plan.
So
I
would
be
happy
to
respond
any
specific
questions
about
anything
on
this
proposed
work
plan.
If
you
have
any
I.
A
Don't
see
any
questions
right
now,
I'm
at
my
plan
actually
is
to
move
to
approve
this
and
I
just
want
to
encourage
people
to
take
a
look
at
it.
What
we
did
was
we
tried
to
collect
all
the
work
that
the
council
has
brought
the
expectation
on
our
committee,
not
necessarily
all
the
work
that's
going
to
be
coming
through
in
the
normal
approvals
that
will
have
to
happen
in
land
sales
and
other
things
it's
coming
from
people,
but
some
of
that
but
more
the
council
work.
A
So
if
you,
if
you
look
at
it,
it's
divided
up
into
ordinance,
introductions,
staff
directions
and
policy
decisions.
I
also
thought
it
would
really
be
helpful
for
us
to
have
some
kind
of
frame,
so
they're
divided
up
into
what
quarters
were
expecting
to
act
on
them,
and
my
assumption
is.
This
is
kind
of
a
deal
we're
making
with
ourselves
as
a
committee
and
with
our
professional
staff
to
assist
us.
A
It's
actually
something
I,
think
zoning
and
planning
committee
used
to
do
years
ago
to
and
I
think
it
helped
with
their
work
and
help
kind
of
manage
it,
and
it
will
certainly
help
me,
as
committee
chair
feel,
like
I,
have
a
better
grasp
of
everything.
That's
going
on
and
all
the
plates
that
are
spinning
and
all
the
work
that's
going
on
and
so
I
appreciate
folks,
taking
a
look
at
it.
I
think
it
also
will
help
us
be
a
little
more
transparent
and
accountable
to
the
public,
because
now
this
is
also
available
on
our
agenda.
A
It's
online.
This
is
going
to
be
a
document
that
we
said
we're
going
to
do
and,
of
course,
maybe
not
of
course,
but
there
will
be
some
times,
probably
one
two
three
Murph's
into
q4
when
we're
actually
getting
it
done,
and
some
of
these
things
might
go
into
next
year,
but
on
the
plan
right
now.
This
is
a
plan
for
what's
going
to
get
done
this
year,
mostly
I
think
everything
ends.
A
Yeah
I
am
fourth
quarter.
So
good
luck,
team
I
think
we
can
do
it
so
it
with
that
pep
talk.
All
those
in
favor
say
aye,
any
opposed
all
right.
That
motion
carries
thank
you
so
much,
and
that
will
bring
us
to
our
third
item
which
is
receiving
and
filing
an
overview
of
the
2040
plan,
which
actually
has
quite
a
bit
of
policy
having
to
do
with
housing
in
it.
I
don't
know
if
anybody's
noticed
that
attitude,
and
so
we're
gonna
get
a
little
bit
of
overview
now,
and
we
have
any
discussion
that
we
want.
H
You,
chair,
Gordon,
councilmembers,
I'm,
sorry,
you've
heard
my
introductory
remarks
previously.
I
would
make
them
again
for
the
record.
The
city
has
benefited
from
the
involvement
over
150
staff
people
across
the
enterprise
in
the
development
of
the
draft
of
the
comp
plan,
which
has
been
out
for
our
community
comments
since
March
22nd
and
we're
nearing
the
end
of
that
hundred
day
comment
period.
So
we
thought
it
would
be
a
good
idea
to
come
around
and
talk
with
committees
about
the
specific
elements
of
the
compound
that
relate
to
your
policy
work.
H
And
but
these
policy
statements
are
interconnected
with
some
of
the
system's
elements,
within
a
comprehensive
plan
that
are
required
by
statute
and
and
certainly
related
to
land
use
controls,
and
so
we'd
like
to
try
and
illustrate
for
you
where
those
linkages
exist.
We
have
some
of
these
interconnected
policies
to
talk
with
you
about
today,
certainly
not
the
entire
list,
but
we
would
like
to
just
highlight
a
couple.
H
I
also
just
wanted
to
mention
I,
think
in
on
the
heels
of
the
Kara
presentation,
which
was
extremely
interesting,
and
you
know
our
staff
has
been
following
that
work
very
closely.
I
think
it
speaks
to
the
need
for
something
we
have
suggested
on
a
number
of
occasions
with
you,
either
individually
or
in
committee,
that
we
would
really
like
to
see
better
longitudinal
data
metrics.
H
That
can
drive
policymaking
over
a
period
of
time,
and
some
of
the
analysis
that
Kara
has
done
was
very
interesting
to
us
in
terms
of
trying
to
measure
how
the
city
changes
over
time,
not
necessarily
whether
that
change
is
good
or
bad,
but
how
it
is
changing.
And
what
are
some
of
the
regulatory
and
policy
driven
things
that
you
can
do
as
a
City
Council
to
help
shape
that
and
manage
that
kind
of
growth
and
I.
Think
that's
really
a
great
kind.
A
H
So
I
just
wanted
to
mention
that
I
think
it
was
a
the
time
was
right
to
just
let
you
know
that
we're
we're
hearing
a
lot
of
those
comments
and
and
taking
all
that
feedback
into
consideration,
as
we
think
about
a
final
draft,
so
I'm
gonna
ask
Brian
Schaeffer
to
come
up
and
walk
you
through
this
presentation
and
then
we'll
stand
for
questions.
Thank,
You,
councilmember.
D
H
D
On
existing
commercial
corridors
some
on
future,
but
not
existing
commercial
corridors
will
be
torn
down
for
high-rise
redevelopment
or
forced
or
somebody's
four-story
is
somebody's
16
story.
I
live
downtown,
I,
don't
think
four
stories,
a
high-rise
but
I
understand
some
people
do
that
in
and
of
itself
is
going
to
cause
displacement.
It
was
pretty
much
the
reason
why
the
historic
district
wasn't
put
into
place
so
I
just
want
to
make
sure
I
heard
correctly
that
the
Planning
Department
has
is
acknowledging
that
there
are
many
fears
about
this
massive
up.
D
H
I
Well,
chair
Gordon,
councilmembers
I'm,
going
to
spend
a
touch
on
a
couple
points
briefly
and
just
kind
of
forward
them
open
up
for
conversation
and
discussion
yeah.
Obviously
they
have
all
the
staff
I
think
that
we
need
to
have
for
that
conversation
today.
I
wanted
to
remind
you,
as
we
move
forward,
that
we
have
really.
We
have
a
lot
14
goals
that
the
previous
council
adopted.
Many
of
you
are
on
that
council.
I
Two
of
these
goals
really
kind
of
are
fundamental
to
some
of
the
conversations
were
having
today,
one
about
reduce
disparities
and
one
about
affordable
and
accessible
housing.
Again,
all
the
policies
in
the
Comprehensive
Plan
have
been
developed
to
implement
these
14
goals
and
the
action
steps
of
those
policies
to
move
that
forward.
So.
I
Of
just
kind
of
around
us
in
that
those
two
exist
and
those
are
the
things
that
we're
moving
forward.
Unlike
other
passed,
comprehensive
plans.
This
is
the
first
time
we
actually
have
goals
that
have
been
set
out
and
these
goals
really
do
focus
on
racial
equity
in
eating
climate
change
and
affordable
housing.
I
I
It's
most
recent
data
as
2014,
so
there's
most
recent
data
we
have
and
I'll
just
kind
of
give
you
a
little
chance
to
look
at
the
graph
but
or
the
chart,
but
the
gray
areas
or
the
gray
bars
are
on
part
or
not
cost
burden,
so
those
are
households
that
are
not
cost
burden,
they're
spending
less
than
30
percent
of
their
income
on
housing.
There
doing
relatively
fine
that
that's
obviously
a
relative
statement.
I
The
blue
portions
are
households
that
are
cost
burdened,
so
these
are
household
spending,
30%
of
their
income
or
more
on
housing,
and
then
there's
the
orange
portions
and
those
are
severely
costs
burden.
So
these
are
household
spending,
50%
or
more
of
their
income,
so
half
their
income
is
going
towards
housing
on
an
annual
or
monthly
basis.
I
So
when
you
look
at
this,
I
often
call
this
a
bookend
the
book
Inza
minneapolis.
If
you
look
at
it,
the
largest
concentration
of
property
or
households,
we
have
in
the
city,
forty-seven
thousand
households.
If
the
exact
are
in
this
lowest
category
under
owner-occupied,
I
didn't
have
an
income
a
greater
or
equal
to
hundred
percent,
or
a
hundred
greater
than
hundred
so
Nehemiah,
that's
47
thousand
households.
I
The
city
is
about
180,
some
thousand
households
total
the
next
group,
the
next
largest
portion
of
population,
that
households
we
have
in
Minneapolis
our
renter
occupied
households
that
make
less
than
30%
of
their
in
meeting
income.
These
are
for
a
family
of
four
that's
$28,000
and
I.
Think
dr.
Lewis
mission,
before
affordability,
at
both
by
the
ami
levels,
but
also
by
someone's
income
and
how
much
they
can
spend,
there's
a
lot
more
definition
below
a
30
percent.
I
What
we've
heard
a
lot
about
in
the
community
engagement
we've
been
doing
on
the
comp
plan
with
this
recent
draft
and
in
the
years
past,
as
we've
been
doing
this
work,
so
you
see
that
there's
19
thousand
households
there,
just
if
me
spending
over
50
percent
of
our
income
on
housing
that
are
in
that
lowest
income
of
30
percent
band,
so
severe
need
there
and
desert
and
interest
in
how
do
we
help
address
those
situations?
And
while
this
isn't
broken
down
by
race,
we
do
know
a
lot
of
things
about
our
population.
I
We
know
that
we
are
majority
runner
population.
We
know
that
hundred
thirty
percent
ami
is
majority
people
of
color
in
Minneapolis
the
majority
renter
they're
disproportionately.
Both
we
know
that
their
incomes
have
fallen.
So
we
know
that
black
and
african-american
households
have
seen
a
40%
reduction,
come
I,
believe
chair.
I
Asset
of
professor
gets
and
dr.
luis
antonio
earlier
about
their
work,
but
we
know
that
about
our
populations
and
we
know
that
over
fifty
percent
of
black
and
african-american
households
and
forty-five
percent
of
American
Indian
households
are
cost
burden
paying
more
than
30%
of
their
income
on
housing.
So
what
we're
looking
at
is
when
we
start
talking
about
both
how
the
plane
went
forwards,
equity,
but
also
how
we
need
a
row
start
focusing
our
resources.
We
start
talking
about
this
portion
of
the
graph
of
chart
up
here,
these
households
less
than
30
percent.
I
A
A
D
D
Pander
to
I
mean,
of
course,
we
know
that
people
who
are
under
50%
and
really
at
30%
are
severely
cost
burdened.
But
you
know
like
tearing
down
starter
homes
and
adding
a
bunch
of
density
is
not
going
to
get
to
that
30%
either
and
that's
the
population
we're
looking
at
which
we
have
to
partner
with
public
housing
and
the
federal
government
and
all
of
the
other
entities,
the
homeless
services
Hennepin
County,
to
be
able
to
deal
with
those
issues.
D
So
I
don't
want
to
conflate
density
with
solving
this
problem,
I
mean
we
know,
even
if
you
look
at
it
actually,
the
owner-occupied
really
poor
people
do
less
bad
than
the
people
who
are
really
poor
in
rental.
So
what
that
says
to
me
is
homeownership
as
a
strategy
for
wealth
creation
and
stability
is
a
good
thing.
I
First,
the
we
do
not
actually
stay
in
the
comprehensive
plan
that
we
think
density
is
a
strategy
to
increase
affordability,
especially
at
these
levels.
I
understand
that
statement
out
there
and
I
understand,
there's
elements
of
that
and
how
we've
got
to
move
forward.
So
I
want
to
make
sure
that
that's
clear,
I
think
also
we
build
a
lot
of.
I
G
Wanted
to
mr.
chair
members
of
the
community
comes
member.
Goodman
I
wanted
to
make
just
a
point
about
Goodman's,
specific
question
and
that
you
know.
We
really
believe
that
this
information
is
really
important
for
the
public
to
see
and
for
the
public
to
understand,
because
when
you
look
at
the
majority,
like
the
largest
group
of
a
population
in
Minneapolis,
are
owners
I
mean?
G
We
also
thought
that
this
this
this
displaying
the
data
in
this
way
is
really
important
education
and
for
the
public
for
them
to
understand
sort
of
when
you
would
get
to
the
place
where
we
talk
about
policy
language,
and
then
we
get
to
the
strategies
that
were
identifying
under
those
policy
goals.
Why?
And
we
so
we
felt
like
that
was
important
for
not
for
those
that
are
very
familiar
with
it,
like,
like
council
members
and
policy
makers,
but
the
public
generally
and.
I
I
This
is
a
ten
year
document
that
guides
our
policy
decisions
and,
as
a
Heather
mentioned
earlier
in
her
presentation
that
these
policies
aren't
necessary
all
the
things
that
need
to
be
guided
by
for
our
regulatory
requirements
for
a
component,
but
part
of
that
ability
to
make
sure
that
all
the
dots
are
connected,
and
we
think
about
this
holistically.
So
what
we
are
saying
in
the
action
steps
around
affordable
housing
and
housing
preservation
production
is
really
one
expand
the
tools
and
resources.
We
know
right
now
that
the
city
has
lots
of
tools.
I
I
Do
this
the
work
that
we're
doing
and
I
you've
seen
the
mayor's
proposal
to
invest
fifty
million
dollars?
Councilman
president
bender
brought
up
inclusionary
zoning
earlier
during
the
Kara
presentation.
So
again
it's
going
back
to
these
other
things
and
we
need
to
start
looking
at
different
ways
of
doing
that.
So
I'll
kind
of
touch
on
that
today.
But
right
now
the
Klan
does
talk
about
prior
days,
and
these
are
those
that
are
below
30%
AMI.
I
They
also
must
focus
on
supporting
renters
and
homeowners
to
make
sure
they
have
entry,
keep
and
retain
stable
housing.
So
tenant
protections
are
important
part
a
component,
and
there
are
a
number
of
actions
that
council
has
already
taken
on
this,
including
connect
and
premises.
Advance
notice
of
sale
render
protection
ordinance,
that's
being
plan,
you
out
just
outlined
work
plan
for
the
rest
of
this
year
that
identifies
some
of
those
tools.
I
We
can
deploy
those
new
tools
and
think
about
that,
and,
as
we
start
thinking
about
that,
it's
another
element
of
how
do
we
move
forward
with
kind
of
this
idea
of
conference
of
investments?
How
there
was
a
standing
up
here
before
and
mentioned
150
staff
across
all
the
different
teams,
the
housing
research
team
had
staff
from
Hennepin
County.
This
means
public
schools,
regulatory
services,
public
health
IT
our
so
we
had
a
large
cross
set
of
that
and
one
of
things
really
came
up
with.
I
I
At
social
services
other
tools
that
we're
also
doing
it,
whether
its
regulatory
using
Arabic
Services
Department,
whether
it's
Hennepin
County
tools
that
are
more
on
the
social
side
of
things.
How
can
we
start
hacking,
those
tools
and
making
sure
that
we
are
all
stacking,
those
that
work
to
move
forward,
to
be
more
comprehensive?
Knowing
that
housing
stability
is
much
more
than
just
providing
a
housing
that
is
affordable
or
safe?
That
there's
a
lot
of
things
that
go
around,
that
that
add
in
instability.
I
I
Anti
displace
policy
network
we're
looking
at
developing
a
better
term
for
that,
using
a
better
term
that
doesn't
necessarily
bring
down
but
kind
of.
It
is
a
little
bit
more
talks
about
the
opportunity,
but
that
as
well,
then
that
is
a
negatory
negative
label
which
we've
had
a
conversations
about
in
the
past.
I
You
trying
to
move
policy
and
regulations
forward
and
advances
farther
than
it
currently
is
one
of
the
ways
that
we
talked
about
going
forward
and
really
again
going
to
the
fact
that
this
is
a
ten-year
plan
and
we're
in
a
lot
of
the
housing
issues
are
quick
and
nimble,
and
we
have
to
be
kind
of
quick
and
nimble
with
those
in
developing.
A
new
policy
and
program
can
take
a
while.
Is
this
the
idea
of
having
innovative
housing
strategies?
I
How
can
we
do
this
in
a
more
of
a
methodological
way,
but
also,
how
can
we
start
deploying
tools
faster,
because
housing
markets
are
changing
quicker
than
our
our
policies
and
ordinances
can
move?
So
again,
this
idea
of
just
a
kind
of
a
prototyping
kind
of
program
see
if
they
use
you
know,
find
an
issue,
an
opportunity.
We
need
to
work
on
researching.
I
Do
the
concept
development
of
that
quickly
then
release
a
pilot
program,
select
the
40
program
and
just
like
the
40
program,
there's
an
evaluation
process,
that's
involved,
and
if
that
program
is
working
well,
we
can
scale
that
up
and
move
that
forward
so
well.
This
is
just
an
illustration
to
say
that
this
is
how
we
want
to
kind
of
move
some
of
those
work
items
forward
to
help
be.
F
I
Nimble
in
advance
a
lot
of
the
policy
and
go
deeper
and
helps
drill
down
some
of
those
specific
strategies
and
innovations
and
to
the
points
earlier
is
that
want
to
large
the
elements
of
housing,
stability
and
Housing
Policy,
isn't
just
purely
state
having
a
housing
units
and
having
places
where
you
can
live,
but
it's
also
making
sure
that
we
have
the
human
development
side
of
that.
So
really
looking
at
some
of
the
economic
components
of
that.
I
Looking
at
Education,
Act,
economic
access,
access
to
technology,
healthy
pre-k,
healthy
youth
development
and
human
capital
tree
and
work
forces.
These
are
a
series
of
policies
we
have
in
the
plan
that
are
about
helping
support
and
build
the
residents
of
Minneapolis
up.
How
can
we
help
them
from
educational
perspective?
How
can
we
make
sure
that
we
reduce
those
despair
that
we
see
both,
especially
at
the
pre-k
levels
that
come
up
really
quickly?
A
with
lower-income
households
help
me
move
that
forward
and
really
start
addressing
on
some
of
the
work
that
you've
seen?
I
Probably
the
Cure
work
that
talked
about
shrinking
cities,
their
work,
where
you
where
people
could
live
different
parts
of
the
city
during
periods
of
time
and
income,
dropping
one
of
the
big
components
of
a
housing.
Affordability
is
declining
incomes.
In
fact,
again
black
Native
Americans
having
a
40%
reduction
in
their
household
income
since
2000
is
a
shiny,
there's,
a
private
or
a
perfect
example
of
where
we
need
to
do
other
work
than
just
provide
housing
to
help
build
up
our
residents
of
the
city.
A
C
You
say
I
just
wanna
say
you
know
we
had
a
presentation
like
this
on
the
transportation
Public
Works
Committee
that
I
said
on
I
know:
there's
been
others
that
I'm
and
so
I
think
actually
in
the
housing
policies,
we've
done
a
comparatively
good
job
of
baking
in
race
equity
commitments
into
the
policy
language
may
be
compared
to
other
parts
of
the
plan.
So
I
noted
that
the
transportation
policies,
I
think,
could
actually
use
some
beefing
up
on
the
language
side.
C
A
developer
comes
with
a
proposal
for
a
rezoning
that
is
now
supported
by
the
land-use
guidance
and
our
plan,
and
maybe
we
don't
have
our
inclusionary
zoning
ordinance
totally
adopted
like
we'll
need
to
have
strategies
in
place
in
that
interim
period.
So
I
just
wanted
to
say,
I
know,
staff
is
cognizant
of
that
and
I
know
all
of
us.
Council
members
are
hearing
that
and
have
identified
that
as
a
need
either
for
the
next
version
of
the
plan,
but
certainly
in
the
implementation,
steps
that
are
going
to
come
with
it.
So
you.
H
Know
phrase
that
you're
grab
councilmember
bender
and
glad
you
raised
that
I
just
wanted
to
to
just
jump
in
and
just
say
that
I
think
what
we'll
be
bringing
to
you
with
the
final
draft
will
be
a
kind
of
draft
schedule
of
events
in
terms
of
2019
and
22,
so
that
we
can
start
thinking
about
what
those
regulatory
and
policy
making
efforts
will
look
like
over
the
period
of
several
years.
So
thank
you
so.
A
Next
amendments
are
probably
coming
whether
or
not
it's
in
the
comp
plan
or
not
another
thing
that
we
did
as
a
council
has
recreated
something
called
intentional
communities,
and
this
is
a
very
innovative
kind
of
program
and
it's
creeping
out
there
a
little
bit
it's
a
little
bit
like
cohousing
I,
think
which
does
get
our
cooperative
housing
that
is
listed
in
the
plan,
but
intentional
communities
aren't
named.
Maybe
they
could
be
named,
there's
also
something
else.
A
We
did
that
hasn't
been
realized,
yet
we
created
a
new
category
of
housing
called
emergency
housing
where
it's,
you
could
short-term,
but
more
permanent
housing
that
could
be
up
to
30
days
and
you
don't
need
a
rental
license
and
it
could
be
provided
similar
to
the
overnight
shelters
but
very
different,
because
you
can
actually
be
there
for
a
while
I
think.
Those
are
really
interesting
ideas.
Then
there's
things
on
the
national
scene
that
you
might
hear
about,
which
is
the
tiny
homes
and
and
then
there's
also
the
pre,
the
prefab
manufactured
homes.
A
And
how
would
that
work?
And-
and
we
actually
run
into
a
lot
of
trouble
here
in
terms
of
how
accessory
dwelling
units
don't
need
this,
but
most
houses
need
a
full-fledged
basement,
just
operate
and
function
so
accessory
dwelling
units
don't,
but
if
you
were
going
to
put
in
a
house
without
anything
pipe
water
pipes
underground?
Maybe
we
don't
need
that
I,
don't
know,
but
you
certainly
can't
do
a
mobile
home,
a
foundation
area
foundation
yeah.
So
we
we
don't.
Have
we
don't
allow
mobile
homes,
which
I'm
not
necessarily
saying
we
should
but
anywhere.
I
I
mean
that's
a
great
place
to
bring
up
that
and
I
think
that's
one
of
things
we're
trying
to
work
through
it.
So
I
really
appreciate
those
comments,
I
think
no,
the
Restless
staff
do
of
how
can
we
need
start
doing
banana
betas
and
housing
types
and
one
of
the
things
we
laughed
about
when
we
started
writing
a
bit
of
housing
types
and
thinking
about
it
is
we're
time
when
single
Rock
room
occupancy
you're
talking
about
some
of
the
accessory
dwelling
units,
we're
talking
about
koa
housing
and
co-op
coops
things
were
not
seen
necessarily
happening.
I
A
whole
lot
of
the
mini
helps
especially
around
some
of
that
and
laughing
that
those
aren't
really
new
their
ages
and
ages.
Old
and
we've
talked
about
bringing
that
back
and
looking
at
that-
and
this
is
an
example
where
the
narrative
time
sets
up
some
conversation,
but
the
actual
steps
are
really
more
just
a
continuous
work
item
that
we
would
need
to
continue
to
do
and
to
be
being
nimble
to
move
forward
and
again
in
a
place
where
we
can
talk
about
refining
that
was
going
farther
and
getting
that
feedback
again.
I
A
C
A
Also
want
to
just
say
that
I
really
appreciated
that
we're
approaching
the
topic
of
single
room,
occupancy
or
rooming
houses.
I
I
actually
think
that
it's
something
that
we
could
probably
regulate
effectively
and
could,
if
the
ones
that
existed
before
they
were
banned
or
before
we
didn't,
allow
a
new
one.
So
I
guess
they're
not
actually
banned
because
they
have
a
right
to
keep
operating.
A
But
if
they
were
to
shut
down
for
a
year
they
lose
those
rights
which
is
too
bad
and
there's
also
some
people
who
want
to
come
in
and
take
over
some
of
those
and
upgrade
some
of
those
rooming
houses
and
see
that
they
could
actually
financially
do
it
on
a
really
modest
friend,
because
it's
much
cheaper
than
supportive
housing.
A
lot
of
supportive
housing
is
kind
of
operates
the
same
way,
but
it's
regulated
differently
in
there.
A
A
I,
don't
know
what
kind
of
the
right
way
to
describe
that
is
so
I
think
it's
something
we
have
to
talk
about
carefully
and
we
have
to
just
like
I
probably
did
talk
about
how
we're
going
to
be
able
to
regulate
it
effectively
and
we're
going
to
make
sure
that
we
can
do
that
as
we
allow
more
of
it.
But
I
think
it
offers
a
lot
of
potential
as
transition
for
some
people,
but
also
maybe.
I
All
right,
this
would
actually
have
two
more
slides,
so
we
can
afford
it
the
speed
that
you
want
to
afford
again
talking
about
we
hether.
It
was
up
here
saying
we
have
just
a
handful
of
actual
land
use,
regulatory
or
policy.
It
became
that
kind
of
the
ordinance
arc.
We
create
the
regulatory
requirements
we
have
to
move
for
housing
urban
forward
and
access
to
housing
is
one
of
those
policies.
This
is
about
the
actual
access
physical
access,
not
a
financial
order
in
law.
So
this
really
just
relates
to
the
lien
use
nouns,
and
it's
how.
F
I
Of
organize
the
built
form
and
Lanie's
maps,
you've
seen
and
heard
from
heard
about
immensely,
but
one
is
the
for
one
of
the
first
action
steps
is
to
allow
multifamily
on
public
transit
routes
and
higher
density
stations
along
our
metro
stations.
So
this
is
something
that
we've
seen
before:
it's
not
a
variation
really
from
anything
that
we've
done
in
the
existing
in
the
past
policy.
In
fact,
it's
kind
of
consistent
or
entirely
consistent.
I
If
we
can
think
about
that,
so
that's
informed
that
built
format,
especially
those
interior,
to
an
interior
three
categories
and
then
in
the
neighborhood
interiors
farthest
from
downtown
today
that
contained
primarily
single-family
homes.
We
want
to
achieve
a
greater
supply
and
diversity.
We
know
that
we
lack
housing
options
in
many
of
those
areas.
I'm
a
armitage,
residence
and
I
know
how
many
single.
I
Apartments
are
in
there
and
I
think
there's
very
few.
We
have
the
data
to
talk
about
that
and
provide
that
more
detail.
But
what
we're
saying
is
to
allow
up
to
four
units
within
I
was
rated
to
these
precise
here:
achieve
greater
housing
supply
in
a
diversity
by
allowing
small
scale
residential
structures
on
traditional
sized
city
BOTS
with
up
to
four
dwelling
units,
including
single-family
duplexes,
three
flexes
for
units
or
3
units.
For
you,
it's
the
accessory
dwelling
unit
building
types
then
we're
saying
here
again
is
we're.
Looking
at
what
the
existing
footprint
is.
I
We
allow
for
a
certain
home
today
that
has
an
IRF
0.5
high
of
32
feet,
piqué,
we're
saying
in
that
was
the
way
that
we
regulate
to
think
about
new
homes.
How
can
we
allow
for
more
than
one
unit
in
that
existing
footprint
of
what
we'd
allow
for
new?
So
that's
what
we're
trying
to
say
with,
and
she
with
that,
with
that
action
step
and
obviously
that's
more
conversation.
We
can
probably
dig
in
today,
but
also
dig
in
tomorrow
to
there's
only
a
planning
committee
meeting
that.
F
I
Talking
about
achieving
options
where
we
don't
see
a
lot
of
options,
you've
seen
how
we've
talked
about
that
in
the
plan
around
past
practices
with
Sonia
an
FHA
policy,
and
this
is
one
of
our
ways
to
try
to
create
those
new
options
both
to
forward
equity
conversations,
but
also
really
forward
much
more
of
an
opposing
diversity.
Conversation
where
there
is
lack
of
options
for
people
to
age
in
their
community.
I
Moving
on
to
just
next
steps
is
really
talking.
We're
July
20
seconds
the
end
of
the
public
comment
period,
I'm
sure,
you're,
aware
that
we'll
have
a
new
draft
that
everybody
aft
it'll,
be
a
redlining
draft,
so
they'll
be
able
to
see
that
by
the
end
of
September,
so
we'll
be
able
to
track
those
changes
and
make
sure
everybody
can
see
how
we've
incorporated
comments
and
how
those
changes
have
been
made.
I
And
then
in
late
October
we'll
have
a
public
hearing
at
the
City
Planning
Commission,
and
we
plan
to
be
in
front
of
the
City
Council
for
review
by
the
end
of
this
by
December.
So
we
can
move
it
on
to
the
Met
Council
by
the
end
of
December.
So
that's
kind
of
our
process
going
forward.
Obviously
we
have
our
full
staff
here
today
to
help
answer
questions.
If
there's
any
more
comments
or
questions.
D
You
mr.
chair,
one
of
the
things
that's
been
brought
up
to
me
is
that
there's
not
going
to
be
a
public
hearing
in
front
of
the
City
Council
I,
think
that
is
a
mistake.
In
fact,
I
think
that
there
are
concerns
from
people
where
they
feel
like
they're,
not
being
heard
they're
coming
to
community
meetings.
D
A
F
Now,
I
certainly
agree
that
we
should
do
something
with
the
full
council.
I
I
do
push
back
and
being
in
in
front
of
a
10
individual
committee,
due
to
kind
of
the
workload
and
the
fact
that
I
think
this
is
gonna,
be
in
a
bigger
dialogue.
What
I
would
add
to
I
think
in
addition
to
just
having
the
council
I've
been
having
community
meetings
like
I'm
on
my
10th
one
right
now
and
I
think
that's
the
best
way
to
have
a
dialogue.
Is
this
very
charged
document
in
a
lot
of
ways?
F
I,
don't
see
that
going
down
and
I
think
the
way
to
get
actual
constructive
comments.
You
know
and
I've
had
very
good
conversations
passionately
good
conversations
with
my
constituents
and
it's
a
different
format
than
we
would
have
at
a
more
of
a
just
public
hearing.
So
I
think
it's
a
good
addition,
but
I
would
also
want
to
see
more
outreach
by
all
of
my
colleagues.
Mr.
D
Chair
I
agree
with
councilmember
Schrader
I
do
I.
Do
note,
though,
and
I
will
note
this
for
you
today
for
tomorrow,
it's
the
exact
same
people
who
serve
on
this
committee
who
serve
on
zoning
and
planning.
So
this
is
the
group,
probably
that
has
some
heightened
level
of
awareness
of
both
of
these
issues.
There
is
no
exception,
I
think
it's
exactly
the
same,
so
it
potentially.
D
You
know
that
this
is
the
group
of
people
that
have
the
sight,
heightened
level
of
interest
and
and
I
do
think
what's
happening
because
I
can
see
the
email
that's
coming
in
to
me.
Is
that
a
lot
of
it's
being
copied
at
a
councilmember
Schrader
because
of
his
position
on
the
Planning
Commission
and
people
are
fearful
there
isn't
going
to
be
a
chance
for
public
out
loud
comment
in
front
of
us,
and
so
it
sounds
like
the
chair
of
this
committee
and
zoning
and
planning
and
the
council
president
shares
of
all
these.
D
All
these
people
are
chairs
of
major
committees
want
to
have
the
public
have
an
opportunity
to
comment
on
the
plan
in
general
I.
Think
after
the
next
draft
is
released,
we
might
have
a
lot
less
high
emotion.
We
might
have
more
high
emotion,
I,
don't
know,
but
I'm
assuming
I'm
assuming
since
you're
the
planning
directors
telling
people
that
there
will
be
changes
and
I
believe
there
will
be
changes
that
there
you
can
sift
out.
A
good
amount
of
concern
did.
F
Just
want
to
add
add
to
that
I
think,
regardless
of
if
there's
changes
or
not
I
expect
there
to
be
changes.
I
would
like
to
see
something
set
in
advance.
Just
for
the
clarity
you
know,
I
think
people
are
the
unsure.
'ti
is
what's
hurting
this.
My
my
hope
for
a
plan
like
this
is
to
be
able
to
say
what
city
we
can
be
and
we
haven't
achieved
that
type
of
conversation.
We've
really
been
dealing
with
people's
fears
and
I
think
we
owe
the
city
some
some
clarity
about.
F
C
C
The
policies
relates
to
public
health
and
in
the
environment
and
energy
that
the
conversation
we
had
at
transportation,
Public
Works
we
had
in
the
past
councilmember,
Reich
and
I-
were
the
two
council
members
who
served
on
the
steering
committee
last
term,
and
there
had
been
some
conversations
then
about
even
bringing
different
elements
of
the
plan
through
the
council
through
those
different
policy
committees
that
touch
these
different
topic
areas
and
I.
Think
in
part,
because
some
of
our
policies
and
plans
are
more
developed
than
others.
C
As
a
city
I
mean,
we
have
really
robust
transportation
system
plans
that
this
comprehensive
plan
is
going
to
build
on.
But
it's
not
going
to
be
any
kind
of
big
deviation
or
departure.
We
have
a
climate
action
plan
that
said
a
lot
of
the
groundwork
for
I
think
the
energy
and
environment
systems
that
are
in
this.
Although
I
think
this
will
go
farther
so
anyway,
there
I
think
the
policy
areas
are
at
different
levels
of
development
and
so
we're
gonna,
throw
that
out
there
I
mean
I.
C
Think
it's
something
that
myself
and
put
the
rygan
trader
or
others
should
follow
up
on
with
staff,
is
to
see
what's
the
most
transparent
way.
We
can
bring
this
to
the
council
that
gives
people
a
chance
to
feel
heard
and
for
council
members
to
weigh
in
on
those
policy
areas
where
they're
most
interested
and
not
drive.
All
of
you
crazy,
too.
C
A
H
Gordon,
council
members
only
to
say
we
await
your
direction
in
terms
of
a
hearing
before
the
committee
of
the
whole
we're
happy
to
accommodate,
whatever
process
you'd
like
to
have
and
then
I
would
also
just
say
you
can
pretty
consistently
from
day
one
I've
said
it's
a
giraffe,
we're
really
looking
for
people's
comments
and
thoughtful
constructive
feedback
on
it.
That's
certainly
what
we're
continuing
to
ask
for
in
that
same
spirit.
H
As
you
note,
the
document
will
change
probably
somewhat
substantially,
just
in
terms
of
it
becoming
a
more
final
document,
but
there
is
much
work
to
be
done
and
I
think
it
would
be
helpful
for
you
to,
as
you
have
in
the
past,
without
some
kind
of
roadmap,
for
how
you
will
implement
the
plan
going
forward,
and
so
we
will
make
that
part
of
what
we
bring
to
you
along
with
the
final
draft,
just
just
so
that
you
can
get
a
sense
of
where
we're
headed
on
this.
It
is
complex.
So
thank
you
one
and.
A
H
A
E
A
Whatever
and
a
question
I've
been
getting
and
I
think
I
understand
the
answer,
but
people
are
wondering.
Are
we
what's
going
to
happen
with
the
residential
commercial
industrial
zoning
in
those
categories?
Are
they
turning
into
internal
one,
internal,
to
internal,
three
and
transit
etc?
Are
they
actually
going
to
be
changed
yeah,
or
are
we
just
going
to
try
to
fit
the
old
definitions
into
the
top
plan
groupings?
A.
H
Chair
Gordon,
councilman
Reserve
will
likely
need
to
be
some
rezoning
language
that
changes
as
well
as
the
rezoning,
the
actual
guidance
of
the
land
uses,
so
to
make
it
clearer
and
more
usable
for
lay
people.
So
I
think
that
some
of
the
zone
designations
are
quite
old
in
terms
of
how
they
describe
land
uses
foreign,
for
instance.
Industrial
zoning
industrially
zoned
land
is
not
really
industrial
like
heavy
pollution,
producing
or
very
heavy
industry
related
land
uses
any
longer.
It's
a
it's.
H
As
we
look
at
rezoning,
the
city
has
not
been
rezone
for
at
49.99,
so
we
did
like
an
interim
rezoning
in
99,
so
quite
a
while
yeah
and
so
I
think
I
think
there
are
some
there's
some
discussion
about
how
deeply
we
need
to
rezone,
but
that's
something
we'll
come
to
clarity
around
as
we
walk
around
a
final
draft
and
and
better
understand
them
where
we
all
worry,
I'll
sit
with
it.
So
so.