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From YouTube: November 20, 2019 Elections & Rules Committee
Description
Minneapolis Elections & Rules Committee Meeting
https://lims.minneapolismn.gov
A
Right,
hello,
so
because
we're
not
taking
action
today
we
are
receiving
and
filing
a
presentation.
We
don't
yet
have
quorum,
I'm,
confident
that
we
will
have
quorum,
but
because
we're
not
taking
action.
I'm
gonna
go
ahead
and
have
us
get
started
with
the
presentation.
So,
oh
and
look
at
that
the
quorum,
so
my
name
is
Jeremiah
Ellison
I
am
the
chair
for
the
elections
and
rules.
Committee
and
I
am
joined
today
at
the
Dyess
by
council
members,
Mike
Fletcher
or
Sami
Jenkins
schraeder
Johnson,
and
we
are
quorum
of
the
committee
today.
A
We
have
one
item
on
the
agenda
and
that
is
to
receive
and
file
a
report
on
the
plans
and
preparations
for
the
elections
and
voter
Services
Division
related
to
the
2020
presidential
nomination.
Primary
here
to
give
the
presentation
is
city
clerk,
Casey,
Carl
and
mr.
Carl
I'll.
Let
you
take
it
away.
Thank.
B
You
good
morning,
mr.
chair
and
committee
members
of
stated,
my
name
is
Casey.
Carl
have
the
privilege
of
serving
as
a
city
clerk
for
the
city
of
Minneapolis,
which
means
I
am
also
the
city's
chief
elections,
official
and
I'm
here
before
you
this
morning.
In
that
capacity
to
report
on
initial
plans
and
preparations
for
the
2020
presidential
election
cycle,
which
I
should
point
out
begins
58
days
from
today
when
early
voting
period
for
the
presidential
nomination
primary
opens.
Today's
report
updates
and
adds
more
details
to
the
first
report.
B
The
staff
presented
to
this
committee
at
its
meeting
on
March
27th
before
I
dive
into
plans
for
the
presidential
election
cycle.
It's
important
to
pause,
to
celebrate
a
major
milestone
in
the
life
of
the
elections
and
voter
services
division,
and
that
is
the
opening
of
our
new
headquarters
facility,
a
space
that
unites
all
programs
under
a
single
roof.
B
The
new
facility
is
located
at
980
East
Hennepin
Avenue,
which
is
in
Ward
2
relocating
to
this
new
facility
in
2019
was
ideal
for
division,
since
there
were
no
regular
elections
program
this
year
of
the
four-year
cycle,
and
as
a
result,
the
team
was
able
to
thoughtfully
collaborate
with
property
services
on
the
layout
design
and
the
planned
functionality
of
the
space.
Equally
as
important.
This
facility
was
designed
to
be
an
asset
to
the
larger
city
enterprise
when
we
aren't
actively
engaged
in
conducting
election.
B
So
the
early
voting
center
component
of
the
facility,
the
training
room,
the
conference
rooms,
all
of
these
phases
can-
and
we
expect-
will
be
made
available
for
youth
by
other
city
departments.
The
site
is
situated
on
several
public
transit
routes.
We've
installed
bike
racks
in
front
of
the
building,
and
we
have
ample
free
parking
for
voters.
B
B
As
we've
been
planning
for
the
2020
presidential
election
staff
is
reflected
on
the
steady,
increasing
turnout.
Minneapolis
has
experienced
over
the
past
two
decades.
The
city's
average
turnout
for
presidential
elections
between
1998
and
2016
was
roughly
seventy
one
point:
eight
percent
that
compares
to
a
national
average
voter
turnout
for
presidential
elections
of
approximately
fifty
three
point
six.
So
it's
a
29-point
difference
between
what
we've
achieved
here
in
the
city
for
presidential
turnouts
as
compared
to
the
average
across
the
nation.
B
We're
also
keenly
aware
of
media
coverage,
analyses
by
political
experts
and
predictions
by
political
scientists
which
have
dominated
headlines
this
entire
year.
So
some
of
these
headlines
that
are
showing
on
the
slide
now
reflect
the
2020
presidential
election
is
widely
anticipated
to
have
the
potential
to
be
the
highest
turnout
in
at
least
a
century,
bringing
with
it
the
potential
to
reshape
the
composition
of
the
nation's
electorate
in
a
significant
way.
B
Since
1908,
the
highest
turnout
for
a
presidential
election
was
in
2008
when
61
point,
6
percent
of
eligible
voters
cast
ballots
and
Barack
Obama
was
elected
to
his
first
term
as
president
of
the
United
States.
Experts
on
both
sides
of
the
political
aisle
agree
on
the
potential
for
record-setting
turnout,
which
is
in
part
predicated
on
the
record-setting
turnout
that
we
did
experience
in
2018.
The
2018
midterm
had
120
million
ballots
cast
and
voter
participation
that
year
was
the
highest
for
a
midterm
election
since
1914.
B
B
But
regardless
the
city's
elections
and
voter
services
team
must
be
prepared
to
serve
each
voter
who
chooses
to
participate,
and
that
means
that
each
voter
receives
the
same
consistent
high
standard
of
service
for
the
presidential
primary
for
the
statewide
primary
in
August
and
for
the
general
election
in
November
and
whether
they're
casting
their
ballots
early
in-person
by
mail
or
the
polls
on
election
day.
As
our
election
judge
credo
States,
we
will
do
everything
within
the
law
to
help
each
eligible
voter
cast
a
ballot.
B
This
slide
shows
the
big
planning
buckets
that
we've
established.
Specifically,
we
are
developing
and
finalizing
plans
tied
to
voter
registration
and
get-out-the-vote
initiatives,
ballot
access
and
employment.
In
each
of
these
big
buckets,
we
are
building
strategies
to
reach
hard-to-reach
underrepresented
communities,
to
ensure
that
all
voters
who
choose
to
engage
our
election
ready
and
to
use
seasonal
employment
opportunities
to
help
diversify
our
workforce,
so
that
our
precincts
reflect
the
various
communities
that
we
serve.
B
As
previously
noted
next
year's
presidential
primaries,
the
first
time
Minnesota
has
conducted
a
primary
like
that
since
1992
in
the
state's
history,
we
have
only
conducted
presidential
primaries
before
other
times
in
1916.
In
1952
in
1956
and
then
in
1992,
so
this
will
be
our
fifth
experiment.
With
a
presidential
primary
and
as
I've
already
stated,
the
political
environment
is
much
changed.
B
In
1992
there
was
minimal
interest
in
the
presidential
primary,
resulting
in
a
voter
turnout
of
just
fifteen
point:
seven
percent-
that's
roughly
equal
to
the
average
nationwide
turnout.
We
would
expect
for
a
municipal
only
election
again.
Happily,
Minneapolis
has
higher
turnout
for
municipal
elections.
In
fact,
we
achieved
more
than
42
percent
turnout
in
our
last
municipal
election
in
2017,
more
than
double
the
turnout
that
was
achieved
in
the
1992
presidential
primary.
Even
then,
however,
turnout
patterns
were
about
the
same
as
they
are
today.
B
So
looking
to
the
past
in
this
case
is
not
very
useful
for
us
as
we
prepare
for
the
2020
presidential
nomination
primary
as
council
is
aware,
the
state
legislature
did
allocate
funding
to
help
offset
costs
to
the
presidential
primary
through
a
reimbursement
program
for
certain
eligible
expenses.
Some
of
those
eligible
expenses
would
include
costs
tied
to
preparation
and
printing
of
ballots
postage
associated
with
vote-by-mail
absentee
balloting.
B
The
publication
of
sample
ballots,
the
preparation
of
polling
places
in
an
amount
not
to
exceed
150
dollars
per
polling,
place,
the
preparation
of
electronic
voting
systems
not
to
exceed
$100
per
precinct
and
the
salaries
for
election
judges,
among
others.
The
city's
Elections
team
has
collaborated
with
the
Secretary
of
State's
office
in
developing
and
refining
various
expenditure
models
in
order
to
get
a
good
sample
of
how
large
the
statewide
budgetary
impact
could
be.
B
Our
estimates
show
that
the
presidential
primary
could
cost
to
the
city
of
Minneapolis
up
to
1.6
million
dollars,
while
that
amount
can
sound
shocking
in
context.
That's
roughly
at
the
amount
that
the
city
would
pay
anyways
for
a
primary
election
and
a
normal
election
year,
so
essentially
adding
two
primaries
into
2020.
B
That
number
would
put
turnout
roughly
between
what
was
actually
achieved
for
the
last
presidential
general
election
in
2016
and
the
turnout
for
the
2018
midterm
election.
This
may
be,
admittedly,
a
little
bit
on
the
higher
side,
but
again
we're
hedging
our
bets
by
preparing
for
a
high
turnout,
which
helps
ensure
that
we
minimize
any
surprises
or
system
breakdowns
on
Election
Day,
something
we
all
want
to
avoid.
B
As
we
discussed
during
the
March
report,
we
are
actively
pursuing
a
number
of
community-based
partnerships
to
help
ensure
that
all
eligible
voters
are
election
ready.
This
slide
shows
some
of
the
plans
that
are
being
developed.
There
are
also
more
detailed
from
the
printed
report
shown
on
page
of
6
7,
&
8,
with
respect
to
core
messages,
specifically
those
that
are
tied
to
the
presidential
primary.
B
We
want
to
be
sure
that
all
voters
understand
the
different
set
of
rules
that
apply
to
that
one
event,
especially
before
voters
show
up
to
vote
whether
in
person
early
by
mail
or
at
the
polls
on
March
3rd
again,
because
the
presidential
primary
is
a
partisan
function,
one
that
previously
had
been
conducted
by
the
parties
themselves.
The
presidential
primary
includes
some
small
but
very
important
differences
from
the
usual
experiences
voters
are
used
to
having
in
the
polls.
First,
voters
will
be
asked
to
identify
which
of
the
four
major
political
party
ballots.
B
They
wish
to
be
issued,
and
this
information
will
be
captured
by
the
poll
workers.
They
will
also
be
asked
to
sign
a
statement
indicating
that
they
agree
to
the
principles
of
that
political
party.
A
ballot
cannot
and
will
not
be
issued
unless
a
voter
makes
a
political
selection
of
ballot,
reflecting
that
party
preference.
As
this
council
knows,
there
was
a
major
concern
that
this
data,
if
collected
by
local
government,
would
be
classified
public
data
and
would
therefore
be
subject
to
release,
as
required
under
the
Minnesota
government
data.
B
Practices
Act,
the
Secretary
of
State,
was
successful
at
pushing
an
amendment
through
which
classifies
this
required
political
data
on
individuals
outside
the
public
realm,
so
that
data
will
be
classified
as
not
public.
However,
it
will
be
shared
with
the
major
political
parties
and
there's
nothing
that
would
prevent
those
political
parties
from
making
that
data
public
unless
our
messaging
around
the
presidential
primary
focus
is
on
these
unique
factors.
B
A
key
strategy
to
avoid
long
lines
and
to
reduce
wait
times
at
the
polls
is
to
promote
early
voting
as
a
means
of
voter
convenience
and
enhance
access
to
the
ballot
box.
Here
again,
we
are
working
with
community-based
partners
to
promote
awareness
of
early
voting
in
all
of
its
various
forms,
including
in-person
early
voting
and
voting
by
mail.
As
the
two
most
prevalent
forms.
Additional
details
about
our
plans,
tied
to
early
voting
are
found
on
pages
10,
11
and
12
of
your
report.
B
This
slide
shows
the
growing
popularity
of
absentee
balloting.
Absentee
balloting
is
the
umbrella
term
for
voting
before
Election
Day.
So,
as
you
can
see,
particularly
since
2014
Minneapolis
has
experienced
a
significant
increase
in
turnout
through
early
voting,
particularly
in
conjunction
with
the
general
elections
in
each
even-numbered
year.
You'll
recall
that
the
state
enacted
no
excuse
absentee
balloting
in
2014,
which
marks
the
beginning
of
this
trend.
Then
in
2016
the
state
enacted
direct
balloting,
which
occurs
during
the
final
seven
days
of
absentee
balloting
and
gives
in-person
early
voters.
B
The
exact
same
experience,
protections
and
support
that
all
voters
receive
in
the
polls
on
Election
Day
direct
balloting
is
distinguished
by
the
fact
that
voters
get
to
put
their
completed
absentee
ballot
directly
into
the
tabulator,
rather
than
wrapped
up
in
a
series
of
privacy
envelopes
to
be
kept
safe
until
they
can
be
opened
and
tabulated
later
in
preparation
for
next
year's
three
planned
election
events.
We've
also
added
two
new
precincts
and
made
changes
in
the
location
of
three
polling
places.
Those
additions
and
changes
are
shown
on
this
slide.
B
B
It
isn't
surprising
that
Minneapolis
has
the
most
precincts
to
serve
its
voter
base,
but
to
put
that
in
context,
it's
interesting
to
note
that
the
city
of
Bloomington
has
a
total
of
32
precincts
so
with
in
Hennepin
County,
we
have
a
hundred
and
thirty-four
the
next
biggest
city
in
terms
of
precinct
size
is
Bloomington.
They
have
32.
So
Minneapolis
has
a
hundred
thirty-four.
Blum
has
32
and
again.
B
You've
seen
this
chart
many
times
before,
however,
it
does
tell
an
important
story
about
our
work
to
serve
voters
specifically
this
graph
tracks
the
growth
in
the
city's
population
since
1990
compared
to
the
number
of
precincts
that
have
been
created
to
serve
voters
so
going
into
2020.
We
have
a
total
of
134
precincts,
as
I
said
to
serve.
A
population
has
been
estimated
at
more
than
420
thousand
by
comparison
in
1994,
the
city
had
a
total
of
172
precincts
to
serve
a
much
lower
population.
B
Approximately
360
mm
and
short
Minneapolis
has
grown
by
almost
58,000
residents
and
we've
lost
38
precincts,
as
I
said
before,
and
reports
from
previous
election
years.
This
fact
can
be
expected
to
create
the
high
potential
for
long
lines
extended.
Wait
times
and
voter
frustration
at
the
polls
and
election
day
that
is
particularly
true
in
a
high
turnout
presidential
election.
Given
current
statistics,
the
city
of
Minneapolis
has
an
average
registered
voter
count
of
roughly
1864
voters
per
precinct.
Of
course,
that's
not
equally
balanced
across
all
precincts.
B
This
slide
builds
on
that
concept
of
the
number
of
registered
voters
per
precinct,
but
uses
actual
data
to
show
how
that
distribution
of
voters
is
done.
Despite
our
efforts
to
better
balance,
the
voter
precinct
ratio,
this
chart
shows
that
the
city
still
has
25
precincts
that
have
more
than
2,500
registered
voters
that
exceeds
the
recommended
limits
established
by
the
Secretary
of
State's
office.
In
fact,
we
have
four
precincts
that
have
more
than
3,000
registered
voters.
A
C
Precincts
how
many
people
vote
in
advance
like,
for
example,
I,
know
in
my
ward
7h-
is
a
very
large
precinct.
There's
also
a
massive,
a
group
of
seniors
who
vote
early
vote
and
don't
go
down
to
the
precinct.
So
do
you
have
a
breakdown
of
those
25
and
the
past
years
of
easy
absentee
balloting,
and
how
many
do
that
versus
not.
B
Through
the
chair
council,
we're
going
to
I,
don't
have
it
with
me
today.
We
do
track
that
information
at
a
high
level,
I
would
say
absentee
balloting
or
early
balloting,
whether
by
mail
or
in-person,
still
only
accounts
in
total
for
less
approximately
about
20
percent.
So
even
where
we
have
large
precincts
they're
still
the
majority
impact
on
election
day.
B
That's
one
of
the
reasons
that
we're
really
working
over
the
last
few
years
and
certainly
going
into
2020
to
promote
early
voting,
we're
promoting
vote
by
mail,
we're
promoting
vote
early
in-person
in
order
to
offset
the
potential
impact
on
Election
Day
at
the
polls.
The
other
piece
of
this
data
doesn't
track.
Is
the
number
of
potential
people
registering
at
the
polls
on
Election
Day,
so
Minnesota,
of
course,
has
same-day
registration,
and
that
is
a
benefit,
a
boon
to
voters,
but
we
aren't
even
counting
those
voters
here.
C
B
So
at
any
rate
and
the
fact
of
these
high
percentage
absentee
participation
since
nineteen
ninety
eight
was
in
the
2016
presidential
election
in
that
year,
the
absentee
voting
accounted
for
twenty
seven
point,
five
percent
of
all
ballots
cast.
So
even
then,
almost
seventy-two
percent
of
our
voters
actually
prefer
to
cast
their
ballots
at
the
polls
on
Election
Day.
So
to
that
specific
point
that
was
just
discussed.
B
As
the
council
is
aware,
we've
begun
to
recruit
and
hire
our
seasonal
staff
to
ensure
our
readiness
to
conduct
the
2020
presidential
primary.
As
this
chart
shows,
we
anticipate
hiring
a
seasonal
crew
of
about
59
people.
This
slide
shows
how
those
staffers
will
be
allocated.
Amongst
the
divisions,
various
programs
you'll
note
that
the
majority
of
seasonal
workers
will
be
allocated
to
the
absentee
balloting
program,
split
between
vote-by-mail
and
early
in-person.
B
Some
of
the
more
seasoned
workers
are
also
assigned
as
supervisors
and
helped
to
plan
organize
and
assign
work
to
their
groups
and
teams
centered
around
those
core
functions
and,
of
course,
we're
deeply
engaged
in
finalizing
next
year's
training
plans
and
schedules
so
that
we
can
provide
the
state
judge
training
as
well
as
the
additional
trainings
that
are
exclusively
developed
for
the
Minneapolis
core
of
election
judges
and
encompasses
all
2,500
judges.
We
expect
to
deploy
over
the
course
of
the
three
events
next
year.
B
Details
about
election
judges,
including
our
nationally
award-winning
student
judge
program
and
our
seasonal
staffers,
are
provided
in
the
report
on
pages
14
and
15
I
added
this
slide
because
it
resonates
with
the
core
of
everything
that
we
do
in
elections
and
voter
services.
And
specifically,
we
prepare
an
incredible
workforce
to
serve
one
of
the
most
engaged
communities
in
the
nation
approaching
each
voter
with
the
credo,
as
I
said
before,
I'll
do
all
I
can
within
the
law
to
help
you
vote
today.
B
Our
election
judges
are
on
the
front
line
of
democracy,
so
the
next
series
of
slides
provides
details
about
the
divisions
budget
and
more
particularly,
what
NER
Frey
is
recommended
for
the
2020
presidential
election
cycle
and
how
we
anticipate
spending
those
funds
for
the
three
regular
election
events
next
year.
At
a
macro
level,
you
can
see
that
the
elections
budget
is
divided
into
two
separate,
but
interrelated
buckets
or
categories.
First,
there's
the
core
budget,
which
covers
the
day-to-day
year-to-year
costs
of
the
division,
including
its
permanent
staff
and
the
hard
costs
of
the
divisions
operations.
B
Then,
second,
there
is
the
2020
election
budget,
which
is
specifically
developed
to
cover
the
costs
that
are
projected
to
be
required
to
administer
the
elections
next
year,
so
the
core
budget
is
about
2.3
million
dollars.
It's
perhaps
easy
to
think
of
this.
As
the
divisions
base
budget
costs
for
the
specific
election
each
year
are
budgeted
and
tracked
separately,
so
that
we
can
do
comparative
analyses
between
election
years
and
between
election
types,
most
jurisdictions,
budget
for
elections
in
a
very
similar
manner.
B
Because
of
the
volatility
of
funding
elections,
the
2020
election
budget
covers
costs
planned
in
each
of
the
divisions,
major
programs
that
are
shown
on
this
slide.
In
total,
then
the
proposed
2020
elections
budget
is
6.4
million.
Of
that
total
4.1
is
really
targeted
at
funding
the
three
election
events
planned
for
2020
for
comparative
purposes.
The
city
actually
spent
4.3
million
dollars
for
the
2016
presidential
election,
which
had
only
two
events
didn't
include
a
separate
presidential
primary.
B
This
chart
on
this
slide
shows
that
we
break
down
expenditures
in
each
of
the
divisions.
Major
programs
into
two
buckets
staffing
and
supplies
of
the
two
staffing
is
clearly
the
biggest
budgetary
impact,
as
might
be
expected.
In
fact,
the
fiscal
impact
of
the
staffing
portion
of
the
budget
equates
to
about
eighty-five
percent
of
the
total
election
budget.
An
even
more
detailed
breakdown
of
the
total
2020
elections
budget
is
shown
on
page
21
of
your
report.
This
chart
on
the
slide,
however,
just
summarizes
that
larger
table.
Still.
B
You
can
see
that
the
elections
team
has
estimated
it
will
spend
approximately
24%
of
the
total
election
budget
for
the
presidential
primary,
with
32%
being
reserved
for
the
anticipated
high
turnout,
general
election
in
November.
Of
course,
any
funds
that
are
saved
upon
the
presidential
primary
or
on
the
statewide
primary
would
carry
forward
and
be
applied
to
the
general
election
if
and
as
necessary.
B
In
short,
the
elections
and
voter
services
division
estimates
that
the
cost
of
conducting
the
presidential
nomination
primary
will
be
approximately
1.6
million
dollars,
as
I
said
earlier,
some
of
which
will
be
reimbursed
by
the
state
as
explained
earlier.
We
would
anticipate
spending
about
1.4
million
dollars
for
the
regular
statewide
primary
in
August,
consistent
with
similar
primaries
and
other
election
years.
And
finally,
we
anticipate
the
costs
for
the
general
election
in
November
will
come
in
at
roughly
2.2
million
dollars.
There
are
many
factors
that
contribute
to
those
costs,
however.
B
Two
of
the
biggest
are
wages
and
absentee
balloting
which
I'll
cover
in
the
next
few
slides.
As
I
already
mentioned,
staffing
costs
reflect
about
eighty-five
percent
of
the
entire
election
budget
each
year.
Staffing
for
elections
isn't
cheap
and,
as
shown
on
this
slide,
the
city's
code
of
ordinance
indicates
that
Minneapolis
has
committed
to
compensating
and
selection
judges
at
a
rate
of
at
least
forty
percent
greater
than
the
prevailing
wage.
Given
the
enactment
of
the
$15
minimum
wage,
this
has
had
a
fairly
significant
impact
on
our
operating
budget.
B
B
The
other
major
cost
factor
is
absentee
balloting
again,
that's
inclusive,
vote-by-mail,
early
in-person
and
some
other
methods,
all
of
which
are
focused
on
casting
the
ballot
before
Election
Day.
First,
of
course,
I
have
to
state
that
the
city
has
no
choice
except
to
offer
absentee
balloting.
It
is
required
uniformly
in
every
election
across
the
state
has
provided
under
Minnesota
Chavez
chapter
203
be
at
a
minimum.
The
city
would
be
responsible
for
administering
vote
by
mail
and
early
in-person
voting,
as
well
as
health
care
facility,
absentee
balloting
and
military
and
overseas
absentee
balloting.
B
Given
these
legal
requirements,
the
pie
chart,
that's
shown
on
this
slide,
shows
the
costs
associated
with
each
method.
As
its
projected
for
2020,
you
can
see
that
vote
by
mail
and
early
in-person
are
roughly
equal
in
terms
of
their
costs
where
early
in-person
voting
requires
more
staff
than
vote
by
mail.
B
The
vote
by
mail
program
actually
encourage
more
supplies,
paper
postage
and
also
people
the
three
P's
of
vote
by
mail
absentee
balloting,
the
multiple
forms,
the
secrecy
envelopes,
the
prepaid
postage
and
the
workers
who
process
the
mail
ballots
adds
up
to
being
about
equal
to
the
costs
of
staffing
and
operating
the
city's
early
vote,
Center
to
offer
early
in-person
voting.
The
only
real
discretionary
costs
that
are
added
to
this
budget
are
those
that
are
tied
to
the
multiple
early
vote,
centers
shown
in
green
on
the
slide.
B
The
city
is
not
obligated
to
provide
more
than
one
location
for
early
in-person
voting.
That
Minneapolis
has
led
the
state
in
providing
satellite
voting
sites.
A
move-
that's
now
copied
in
other
large
jurisdictions,
is
a
testament
I
think
to
the
support
policy
makers
have
made
to
expanding
ballot
access
and
increasing
voter
convenience.
Still,
those
costs
for
those
multiple
sites
is
small
in
comparison
in
comparison
to
the
service,
that's
provided
to
voters,
that's
based
on
actual
turnout
data
over
the
past
two
election
cycles
when
we
have
operated
multiple
satellite
sites.
B
Only
during
the
final
seven
days
of
direct
balloting
in
the
general
election,
by
limiting
the
timeframe
of
when
sites
are
operated,
we
reduced
the
physical
impact
but
still
increase
access
and
enhance
opportunities
for
voters
across
the
city.
In
2018,
48
percent
of
all
of
the
early
in-person
absentee
ballots
were
cast
during
that
last
a
seven
day,
direct
balloting
period,
which
was
almost
equal
to
the
entire
number
of
ballots
cast
during
the
entire
46
day
absentee
period.
In
46
days,
the
city
collected
a
total
of
just
over
6
thousand
absentee
ballots.
B
This
slide
just
reiterates
that
point
by
showing
the
increasing
impact
of
absentee
balloting
for
all
elections
between
2012
presidential
election,
the
2018
gubernatorial
election.
What's
interesting
here
is
that
there
is
an
overall
pattern
showing
a
clear
preference
for
early
in-person
voting
as
the
preferred
methodology.
So,
although
mail
does
have
a
big
impact,
I
think
that
the
in-person
option
of
voting
early,
receiving
or
accessing
assistance
from
election
judges
and
having
multiple
sites
from
which
to
choose
scattered
across
the
community
is
the
model
that
seems
to
appeal
most
to
Minneapolis
voters.
B
The
plans
that
we've
developed
for
2020
s
presidential
election
would
include
a
total
of
three
additional
early
voting
sites
located
throughout
the
community.
In
addition
to
our
primary
location,
we
are
required
by
law
to
to
operate
at
our
EB
s
headquarters.
These
added
sites
would
only
be
operated
during
the
seven
day
direct
balloting
period,
which
helps
to
reduce
the
budgetary
impact.
B
A
D
B
Some,
regarding
other,
includes
the
work
we
do
for
health
care
facility
voting
where
teams
of
election
judges
go
to
designated
health
care
facilities
during
a
designated
period,
absentee
balloting
to
take
the
ballot
to
those
who
cannot
get
to
the
polls
on
Election
Day
on
are
in
hospitals,
health
care
facilities,
nursing
homes.
It
also
includes
military
and
overseas
balloting,
so
those
who
are
overseas
or
active-duty
military
who
have
the
right
to
vote.
B
We
cast
the
least
in
their
ballots
to
them
and
receive
those
back
so
other
is
a
broader
category
also
includes
agent
delivery,
where
an
agent
could
bring
back
a
ballot
for
a
voter.
So
it's
an
other
category
that
doesn't
have
near
the
engagement
level,
but
those
are
all
still
recognized
by
law
as
valid
means
of
voters
casting
their
ballots.
Sure.
D
D
It's
it's
public
information
that
you
voted
in
that
primary,
but
nobody
knows
which
party
you
voted
for,
but
in
the
presidential
primary,
not
only
will
they
be
able
to
see
that
you
voted.
This
is
like
on
the
Secretary
of
State's.
Voter
registration
in
history,
they'll
be
able
to
see
which
party
you
voted
for,
but
certainly
not
which
candidates.
Mr.
B
Chair
to
correct
that
counselor,
thank
you,
Gordon.
No,
the
secretary
state's
website
our
website,
the
city
will
not
release
which
ballot
was
selected
or
how
about
or
voted
that
still
remains.
Private
data.
The
difficulty
with
or
the
challenge
with
the
presidential
primary
is
that,
because
it's
a
partisan
contest,
we
have
to
record
which
ballot
was
selected.
Voters
have
to
sign
a
statement
saying
they
agree
to
that
party's
principles
and
that
data
will
be
shared
with
the
major
political
parties.
Only
so
the
political
parties
could
release
that
data,
but
the
state,
the
city,
the
counties.
D
I
understood
that
so
I
guess
I
said
that
wrong.
Although
I
think
that
when
you
look
on
the
voter
rolls
from
the
Secretary
of
State,
you
can
see
if
you
voted
in
the
primary
of
that
governor's
race
in
the
history.
But
you
won't
know
what
party
you
voted
for
and
it
will
stay
consistent.
People
will
say:
oh,
they
voted
in
the
presidential
primary,
but
the
parties
will
know
and
in
the
general
primary
the
parties
don't
know
who
voted
in
their
primary
or
do
they.
Mr.
B
Chair
the
difference
here
is
only
related
to
the
presidential,
so
everything
else
you
said
about
the
regular
statewide
primary
is
correct
and
everything
you
identified
as
what
would
the
experience
be
for
a
voter
if
they
were
to
look
up
that
they
participated
in
the
presidential
primary?
It's
true
as
well.
D
D
B
Chair
the
federal
level
DNC,
our
Democratic
National
Committee
in
the
Republican
National
Committee
require
that
data.
They
would
not
allow
Minnesota
to
become
a
presidential
primary
state
unless
we
gave
them
access
to
that
data,
so
that
was
a
condition
of
allowing
Minnesota
to
move
to
a
presidential
primary
that
the
parties
would
have
access
to
the
data.
Okay,.