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From YouTube: February 12, 2020 Intergovernmental Relations Committee
Description
Minneapolis Intergovernmental Relations Committee Meeting
https://lims.minneapolismn.gov
A
Good
afternoon,
everyone
I'm
gonna
call
order
this
regularly
scheduled
intergovernmental
relations
committee
meeting
I
am
the
chair
of
the
committee
counselor
Johnson
I'm
joined
today
by
a
quorum
of
committee,
members,
council,
member
I
counsel,
vice
president,
and
vice
chair
of
the
committee
Jenkins
and
councilmember
Schrader
Russell
joined
by
two
of
our
colleagues
councilmembers
Goodman
and
Paul
Masson.
Oh,
we
have
two
items
for
discussion
today.
The
first
is
the
redistricting
ward
boundaries
following
the
2020
census
before
I
get
into
that
presentation.
A
B
First
item
good
afternoon,
mr.
chair,
my
name
is
Casey
Carla,
the
privilege
of
serving
as
clerk
for
the
city
of
Minneapolis.
It
please,
the
committee
I'm
here
with
your
inter
government
relations
director
mr.
venerian
assistant
city
attorney,
Carol
bassoon,
to
provide
an
introduction
to
redistricting
and
its
impact
on
municipal
elections.
B
So
redistricting
is
the
legally
required
process
of
redrawing
boundaries
of
electoral
districts
every
ten
years
following
the
census,
so
redistricting
really
begins
with
the
census.
These
processes
go
hand
in
hand,
which
is
one
of
the
reasons.
Minneapolis
has
invested
significant
resources
in
outreach
and
education
about
the
2020
census
and
the
need
for
a
complete
count.
The
census
is
conducted
in
the
first
year
of
each
new
decade,
that
is
in
the
year
ending
in
zero.
B
The
results
data
showing
official
population
totals
are
released
in
the
following
year,
with
states
and
local
jurisdictions
receiving
official
results
in
the
year
ending
in
one.
An
important
objective
of
redistricting
is
to
ensure
fair
political
representation
from
federal
and
state
levels
down
to
local
jurisdictions.
Redistricting
became
a
federal
mandate
as
a
result
of
the
decision
by
the
United
States
Supreme
Court
in
Baker
versus
Carr
in
1960.
B
While
states
retain
authority
to
establish
standards
for
redistricting,
they
must
comply
with
federal
requirements
and
criteria,
including
the
applicable
portions
of
the
fourteenth
and
fifteenth
amendments
to
the
US
Constitution
and
section
2
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act
of
1965,
among
others.
Federal
and
state
courts
become
involved
in
resolving
disputes
about
redistricting
when
the
process
cannot
be
completed
in
a
timely
manner
or
where
there
are
allegations
of
gerrymandering
or
racial
discrimination.
Timeliness
is
a
factor
in
completing
redistricting
because
of
its
impact
on
the
conduct
of
elections
at
all
levels.
B
It's
important
that
it
redistricting
be
finished
in
a
timely
manner,
so
that
new
political
boundaries
are
known
well
in
advance
of
the
election.
This
enables
voters
and
candidates
for
public
office
to
have
certainty
in
those
important
processes.
Consequently,
there
is
an
established
sequencing
and
how
redistricting
is
to
be
completed.
It
begins
with
the
state
legislature,
which
draws
the
lines
for
both
congressional
and
state
legislative
districts,
and
then,
once
the
state
legislature
has
completed
its
work,
local
jurisdictions
must
complete
the
redrawing
of
their
districts.
B
Local
jurisdictions
as
I'm
using
that
term,
includes
primarily
counties,
cities
and
townships,
but
also
other
types
of
local
districts
such
as
our
Park
District
and
the
school
district
state
law
carves
out
two
timelines
that
govern
redistricting.
For
our
purposes
and
as
shown
on
this
slide,
there
is
a
regular
timeline
and
an
alternate
timeline.
The
regular
timeline
requires
local
jurisdictions
to
complete
their
redistricting
plans
within
60
days
after
action
by
the
state
legislature.
In
all
cases,
there
is
a
definite
starting
point
and
a
definite
ending
point.
B
B
The
states
within
one
year
of
the
day
the
census
is
conducted
because,
since
this
day
is
April
1st
this
year,
we
would
anticipate
then
that
final
results
data
would
be
back
to
us.
April
1st
of
2021.
That
process
works
like
this.
The
Census
Bureau
submits
the
final
results:
data
to
the
governor's
office
in
each
state,
the
governor's
office
files,
a
certified
copy
of
that
data
with
the
Secretary
of
State.
B
The
Secretary
of
State
then
forwards
the
certified
results
data
to
all
local
jurisdictions
so
that
they
can
complete
redistricting,
so
April
1st
2021
is
the
trigger
for
the
rest
of
the
entire
scope
of
work
to
complete
redistricting,
the
definitive
ending
date,
by
which
time
all
redistricting
must
be
completed,
is
no
later
than
19
weeks
prior
to
the
date
of
the
statewide
primary
in
the
year
ending
in
2
following
the
census.
This
is
established
under
Minnesota
statutes,
section
2,
0
4b
point
one
three:
five
in
the
current
cycle.
B
That
means
that
the
final
deadline,
by
which
time
all
redistricting
the
state
of
Minnesota,
must
be
completed
for
congressional
state
legislative
and
City
Ward
boundaries
is
March.
29
2022,
the
state
legislature,
has
established
what
they
call
an
aspirational
goal
to
complete
their
own
redistricting
responsibilities
no
later
than
25
weeks
before
the
state
primary
in
the
year
ending
and
to
following
the
census,
and
this
goal
is
codified
in
Minnesota
statutes,
section
2,
0,
4b
point
1,
4,
subdivision
1
a
when
that
timeline
is
applied
to
the
current
redistricting
cycle.
B
B
As
you
can
see,
this
timeline
presumes
that
the
state
will
take
until
at
least
February
2022
to
complete
its
work,
which
would
then
have
cities
completing
redistricting
plans
by
the
end
of
March
that
same
year
to
be
clear
under
Minnesota
law.
All
redistricting
has
to
be
completed
by
no
later
than
19
weeks
before
the
primary
in
the
year,
ending
in
two
and
that's
March,
29th
I'll
return
to
the
timeline
in
a
moment.
I
wanted
to
finish
with
some
other
legal
frameworks
on
redistricting,
as
this
slide
shows.
B
The
essential
element
of
redistricting
is
that
all
wards
must
be
as
equal
in
population
as
practicable.
So
in
the
samples
shown
here.
If
the
city's
population
were
too
determined
to
be
three
hundred
ninety
thousand
residents,
then
each
of
the
thirteen
wards
would
need
to
have
an
equalized
population
of
30,000.
That's
an
ideal
outcome.
However,
it
is
hardly
ever
perhaps
never
achieved
that
easily
or
cleanly.
Redistricting
is,
after
all,
a
political
process
that
recognizes
communities
of
shared
interest,
neighborhoods
and
other
factors
that
are
not
easily
split
purely
on
the
basis
of
population
alone.
B
There
are
certain
compositional
factors
that
must
be
considered.
For
example,
established
standards
require
that
wards
and
districts
be
compact
and
contiguous,
and
that
districts
cannot
be
more
than
twice
as
long
as
they
are
wide
and
districts
cannot
be
drawn
in
ways
that
pack
certain
populations
together
or
which
divide
those
populations.
Apart
such
that
the
result
is
a
loss
of
actual
or
even
potential
political
power
and
representation.
B
These
factors
are
generally
referred
to
as
packing
or
cracking
and
they
derive
from
provisions
of
section
2
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act
of
1965,
which
prohibits
discrimination
in
the
drawing
of
political
boundaries
based
on
race,
color
or
membership
in
a
language
minority
group.
Because
of
these
factors,
redistricting
is
never
as
simple
as
dividing
total
population
into
the
number
of
available
districts
to
accommodate
these
adjustments,
a
standard
acceptable
deviation
has
been
set
which
allows
for
a
plus
or
minus
5%
of
the
average
overall
population.
B
Now
that
I've
provided
a
high-level
review
of
the
legal
framework
timeline
and
parameters
I'd
like
to
discuss
roles
and
responsibilities.
Charter.
Amendment
number
171,
which
was
adopted
by
voters
at
the
ballot
in
2010,
assigns
responsibility
for
the
redistricting
of
city
wards
and
park
districts
to
the
Minneapolis
Charter
Commission.
The
2021
redistricting
will
be
the
Charter
Commission's
second
time
to
redraw
local
political
boundaries.
Staff
have
made
a
handful
of
presentations
to
the
Charter
Commission
about
redistricting
over
the
past
year
and
links
to
those
files
and
presentations
were
included
in
your
briefing
material.
B
The
Minneapolis
Charter
provides
additional
requirements
for
redistricting
that
are
unique
to
the
city
of
Minneapolis.
First,
the
Charter
Commission
is
tasked
with
the
duty
of
redrawing
the
lines.
Second,
in
order
to
provide
for
a
broader
and
more
diverse
perspective
and
to
provide
more
opportunity
for
meaningful
public
participation,
the
Charter
Commission
is
required
to
appoint
up
to
nine
advisory
members,
who
are
part
of
the
redistricting
effort
together
the
Charter
Commission,
and
that
advisory
group
constitute
the
minneapolis
redistricting
group.
B
The
Charter
also
requires
the
Charter
Commission
maintain
a
45
day
application
period,
during
which
time
individuals
interested
in
being
considered
for
appointment
as
an
advisory
group
members
can
submit
their
interests
as
a
consequence
of
this
long
application
period.
All
the
timelines
prepared
by
staff
have
that
application
period
beginning
in
September
of
this
year,
so
that
the
appointments
can
be
made
prior
to
January.
2021
staff
has
anticipated
that
the
Charter
Commission
would
use
the
early
months
of
2021
for
orientation,
a
series
of
staff
led
learning,
labs
and
initial
community
outreach
and
education.
B
The
goal
is
to
complete
as
much
of
the
preparatory
work
as
possible
before
the
official
official
census
results.
Data
are
received
by
April
1st,
where
redistricting
gets
particularly
interesting
for
the
city
of
Minneapolis
is
in
reconciling
our
regular
four-year
election
cycle.
Within
the
ten
years
of
a
decade,
there
will
always
be
a
full,
four-year
term,
that's
divided
between
decades
and
by
the
requirement
to
redraw
electoral
districts.
This
creates
a
rub
in
which
there
will
periodically
be
regular
elections
timed
to
occur
before
the
boundaries
of
those
local
districts
have
been
redrawn
and
further
complicating.
B
This
balancing
act
is
the
complex
ballot
that
reflects
the
city's
governance
structure.
As
you
know,
our
balance,
our
municipal
ballot,
includes
25
separate
offices
with
a
mix
of
both
single-seat
and
multi
seat
or
at-large
races,
and,
of
course,
we
use
the
alternative.
Rank-Choice
voting
method
and
all
25
of
those
offices
are
in
the
ballot.
At
the
same
time,
it
is
quite
honestly
one
of
the
most
complex
municipal
ballots
in
the
nation.
B
The
result
was
that
new
ward
boundaries
created
in
2002
were
not
effective
until
2005
halfway
through
that
decade
and
the
regular
census
process,
the
suit
alleged
malapportioned
wards
and
asserted
that
this
was
unconstitutional
and
in
violation
of
the
one-person
one-vote
principle
articulated
by
the
United
States
Supreme
Court.
Ultimately,
the
city
prevailed
in
that
lawsuit
and
the
court,
opined
in
its
2001
that
the
2001
municipal
election
based
on
1990
data,
did
not
result
in
an
unrepresentative
wards
and
it
did
not
violate
the
constitutional
principle
of
one
person.
One
vote.
B
In
short,
the
court
indicated
that
delaying
the
implementation
of
new
ward
boundaries
was
not
ideal,
but
that
this
single
factor
must
be
balanced
against
other
considerations
and
not
be
solely
dictated
by
the
objective
of
mandating
a
municipal
election
immediately
after
a
census.
Nevertheless,
the
state
legislature
enacted
in
2010
an
amendment
that
dealt
with
this
timing,
irregularity,
which
I've
referred
to
as
the
Kahn
rule.
B
Here
you
see,
the
text
of
the
chondral
I've
highlighted
the
relevant
portion,
which
states
that,
if
no
municipal
general
election
would
otherwise
occur
in
a
year
ending
in
two
or
three
following
a
census,
then
a
general
municipal
election
must
be
held
in
one
of
those
years.
A
further
complication
is
the
fact
that
this
rule
applies
to
the
members
of
City
Council.
It
does
not
apply
to
the
mayor
who
has
elected
from
the
city
wide
and
it
doesn't
apply
to
the
park
board
or
to
the
board
of
estimate
taxation.
So.
C
B
B
D
Thank
You
mr.
chair
I,
don't
want
to
interrupt
the
clerk's
presentation,
but
there
is
quite
a
lot
of
detail
about
some
of
these
questions
in
in
a
a
memo
that
our
City
Attorney's
Office
put
together,
which
is
for
sure
linked
in
the
Charter
Commission's
previous
agenda.
It
may
be
in
this
agenda
as
well,
which
was
raises
some
questions.
The
council
vice
president's
point
about
you
know
the
merit
of
the
law.
That
really
only
applies
you
know
to
Minneapolis
and
perhaps
maybe
st.
Paul
and
kind
of
outlines.
D
The
ways
in
which
it's
not
it's,
perhaps
in
spirit,
was
intended
to
to
affect
other
cities,
but
isn't
because
of
the
way
it
was
written.
So
we
would
potentially
have
some
legal
action
to
take
based
on
those
kinds
of
questions.
So,
if
my
colleagues
haven't
seen
it
I
think
it
is
in
today's
agenda.
Yeah
perfect
Thank
You.
B
Mr.
chair,
there
are
copies
of
the
legal
opinion
from
our
assistant
city
attorney,
miss
machine
who's.
Here
in
your
packets
that
I
passed
out,
those
materials
will
be
uploaded
to
the
website
as
soon
as
the
meetings
over
the
other
interesting
piece
about
the
con
rule
is
that,
as
you
can
see
here,
it
trumps
any
Home,
Rule
Charter
provision
that
might
otherwise
attempt
to
address
election
cycles.
B
So,
consequently,
under
any
scenario,
the
city
would
need
to
comply
with
this
statute
either
as
it
is
currently
expressed
or
possibly
with
the
potential
amendment,
and
what
I've
tried
to
do
on
this
slide
is
to
reflect
that
triangle,
showing
the
balance
of
laws
between
elections
and
redistricting
bridged
by
the
Cohn
rule.
What
I've
done
is
add
some
specific
data
points
on
the
far
left
in
green.
You
see
the
census
dates
beginning
with
this
year
and
then
on
the
far
right
in
blue.
B
You
see
the
dates
of
regular
municipal
elections,
starting
in
2021
our
next
regularly
scheduled
election.
The
asterisks
are
shown
to
indicate
those
years
when
a
regular
city
election
would
fall
in
the
year
that
triggers
the
Cohn
rule.
So
those
are
the
years
that
end
and
one
the
Census
and
election
dates
are
connected
with
orange
lines
to
represent
that
the
Cohn
rule
is
triggered
in
those
years.
B
B
The
state
legislature
in
2010
the
same
year
that
the
Kahn
rule
was
enacted
also
amended
general
state
election
laws
that
would
allow
cities
of
the
first
class
electing
council
members
in
a
year
ending
in
one
and
to
complete
their
redistricting
in
the
same
year,
but
ahead
of
the
state
legislature.
So,
prior
to
that
amendment,
you
could
not
act
before
the
legislature,
so
at
the
same
time
that
the
Kahn
rule
went
into
place
and
an
amendment
to
general
election
law
was
passed.
B
That's
204,
B
135,
that
said
cities
who
have
this
occurrence
where
they
do
their
regular
election
in
the
year
ending
in
1,
can
go
ahead
and
do
their
redistricting
before
the
state
legislature.
What
it
does
is
allow
us
to
complete
that
registering
ahead
of
time,
but
that
law
does
not
apply
to
the
redrawing
of
districts
for,
for
example,
the
park
board
and
the
board
of
estimate
taxation.
Mr.
E
No
I
have
two
I
think
with
regard
to
the
potential
legal
opinion.
What
is
the
remedy?
The
remedy
is
that
we
would
run
in
2021
for
a
four-year
term
and
then
we'd
be
doing
exactly
what
we
did
when
this
went
into
place
in
2001,
where
you'd
be
representing
some
people,
that
elected
you
and
then
you'd
be
like
looking
to
represent
people
who
would
elect
you
and
it's
the
same
chaos
that
we're
trying
to
that
the
con
role
was
trying
to
avoid.
So
what
is
the
remedy?
Should
there
be
litigation?
B
Through
the
chair,
councilmember
Goodman,
the
City
Attorney's
opinion
I,
certainly
don't
need
to
speak
for
Miss
bhishen.
In
brief,
what
the
opinion
puts
forward
is
that
the
Charter
itself
helps
to
solve
the
problem
posed
by
con.
So
initially,
as
staff
looked
at
this,
we
had
assumed
because
the
language
of
con
says
you
have
to
have
a
general
municipal
election
under
other
state
law.
That
applies
to
all
cities.
B
So
the
effect
of
both
the
con
rule
and
our
Charter
is
such
that
we
would
have
our
regular
election
in
2021.
That's
for
a
four-year
term.
We
would
have
an
election
in
2023
because
the
Kahn
rule
would
apply.
This
is
that
bridge
to
election
law
and
redistricting.
That
would
be
for
a
four-year
term
as
currently
written,
but
the
effect
of
the
Charter
is
to
essentially
interrupt
that
four-year
term
and
recreate
the
four-year
term
in
2025,
and
then
the
whole
ballot
would
be
together.
B
So
while
we
would
say
in
common
parlance,
that's
a
two-year
term
a
two-year
term
in
a
four-year
term.
The
law
as
currently
written,
doesn't
recognize
a
two-year
term.
It
says
counselors
are
likely
to
a
four-year
term,
so
the
practical
effect
is
a
2
to
4,
but
in
reality,
you're
running
for
a
four-year
term.
You
get
elected,
Khan
kicks
in,
interrupts
that
schedule
and
says
here's
another
four-year
term.
E
What
is
the
remedy
of
litigation?
The
remedy
of
litigation
is
to
say
it's
a
two-year
term,
followed
by
a
four-year
term,
I
mean.
Should
we
determine
that
there's
some
sort
of
legal
case
here,
which
I
have
not
been
convinced
of?
What's
the
difference,
you
pretty
much
have
to
have
an
election
after
redistricting
in
order
to
equalize
the
wards
based
on
the
massive
public
population
problem.
We
have
now
so
I'm
confused
as
to
why
we're
talking
about
litigation
unless
I
understand
what
the
remedy
for
some
sort
of
litigation
is.
Mr.
B
Mean
so
I'll
I'll
move
forward
very
quickly,
we're
actually
here
to
present
a
series
of
policy
objectives
to
frame
further
consideration.
Staff
have
identified
a
number
of
potential
statutory
changes
and
charter
changes
that
would
allow
us
to
live
within
this
triangle
to
meet
the
intent
of
Khan,
to
clarify
Aperta,
potentially
to
say
when
it
applies
to
us,
it's
a
two-year
term
and
and
therefore
not
applicable
to
that
four-year
term
and
interrupting
so
there's
a
series
of
proposed
legislative
changes
about
the
state
and
local
levels.
That
staff
would
recommend
based
on
the
direction
Council
gives
us.
E
B
Chair,
that
is
a
law
enacted
in
2010,
as
I
noted
that
says,
the
city's
can
go
ahead
and
complete
their
redistricting
ahead
of
the
state
legislature.
We
can
do
that,
however,
if
the
state
draws
lines
that
create
a
conflict
for
us,
it
provides
an
allowance
that
we
may
have
to
shift
some
precinct
boundaries,
because
the
precinct
boundaries
which
the
City
Council
is
responsible
for
creating,
cannot
be
split
between
different
districts.
B
E
C
D
You
mr.
chair
I,
guess
the
reason
I
brought
up
the
legal
memo
and
some
of
these
other
things
in
response
to
council
vice
president's
question
is
because
I
you
know,
I,
don't
think
we
really
have
a
great
option
here
that
caught
the
the
new
state
law
is
in
conflict
with
our
charter.
It
seems
like
we
need
to
amend
our
charter.
I
know.
D
That's
coming
up
because
that's
the
next
thing,
but
for
the
long-term
health
of
our
cities,
you
know
Democratic
participation
and
govern
I
think
we
should
be
thinking
long-term
I.
Think
if
the
legislature
is
really
concerned
with
the
values
of
the
law,
they
passed,
it's
not
really
reaching
most
of
the
state's
population.
So
that
was
one
point
I
think
was
made
clear
in
the
memo.
D
B
Those
conversations
are
moving
more
into
the
practical
world
and
I
know
that
they
are
interested
in
developing
a
solution
to
this
challenge
to
us
and
not
just
sort
of
solve
at
this
one
time
and
let
it
go
down
the
road
for
another
twenty
years
and
someone
else
also
they
are
looking
at
long
term
solutions,
some
of
which
we'll
talk
about
today.
This
slide
shows
what
I
would
call
the
anticipated
City
timeline
and
key
dates
again,
as
councilmember
Goodman
just
mentioned.
We
start
on
April
1st
of
2021.
That's
the
day.
B
We
would
expect
to
get
census
results
back
that
tell
us
what
our
new
population
results
are.
That's
done
at
the
block
level.
We
recreate
all
of
the
block
level
data
and
then
there
are
two
deadlines.
As
you
can
see
here,
July
13th
and
March
29th
July,
13th
2021
is
the
early
schedule.
That's
the
deadline.
If
we
want
to
have
new
wards
in
place
in
before,
we
have
our
next
new
selection
2021,
then
the
law
that
allows
us
to
go
early.
That
2:04
be
135
shown
here.
B
If
you
follow
that
it
says
you
must
be
done
no
later
than
14
days
before
candidate
filing
for
that
election
opens.
Candidate
filing
in
2021
is
scheduled
to
open
on
July
27th
14
days
before
that
is
July
13th.
So
that's
the
the
drop
dead.
If
we
miss
it,
we're
done
I've
proposed
in
order
to
give
us
a
contingency
when
I've
talked
to
the
Charter
Commission
that
they
plan
on
being
done
by
June
30th.
The
date
shown
just
below
that,
because
not
only
would
they
have
to
finish
that
work.
B
So
I've
given
a
buffer,
saying
if
we're
done
by
June
30th
that
gives
my
staff
about
two
weeks
to
do
that
work
before
we
open.
We
have
to
be
done.
Alternatively,
so
that's
the
early
timeline
in
2021.
Alternatively,
all
redistricting
must
be
done
by
that
second
deadline:
March
29th
of
2022,
because
that
is
19
weeks
before
the
date
of
the
state
primary
in
the
year
ending
and
that's
that's
the
drop
dead
for
the
state,
the
county
for
the
city
and
everyone
else.
B
You
must
be
done
at
that
time
for
the
same
reason,
so
that
candidates
and
voters
know
before
the
state
primary
what
those
new
boundaries
are.
So
this
is
the
anticipated
timeline
for
the
city
that
reflects
both
an
early
completion
and
a
late
completion,
and
then
I
mentioned
that
in
order
to
help
focus
our
efforts,
the
staff
primarily
myself,
mr.
B
Ranieri
MS
bassoon
and
some
others
who
have
been
part
of
this
work,
tried
to
think
about
a
policy
framework
to
guide
our
thoughts
and
our
decision-making
as
we
come
forward
to
the
council,
and
so
we
came
up
with
these
five.
What
we
call
policy
objectives
as
a
framework
from
staffs
perspective.
What
we
believe
is
that
any
district
redistricting
proposal
should
focus
on
the
following
options.
First
and
foremost,
it
should
comply
with
all
applicable
laws,
including
the
Kahn
rule
relative
to
both
redistricting
and
elections.
B
Second,
we
need
to
make
sure
that
we
pursue
options
that
ensure
a
consistent
cycle.
That's
predictable
for
me,
so
that
voters
can
depend
on
that
predictable
schedule,
something
that's
not
subject
to
frequent
change
or
irregularities
and
with
as
few
deviations
as
possible.
We
believe
that,
having
that
consistent
and
predictable
schedule
supports
strong
voter
participation
and
turnout
and
that's
a
hallmark
of
both
good
governance
and
has
been
a
hallmark
of
the
city
of
Minneapolis.
B
The
fourth
objective
that
staff
identified
is
to
minimize
the
expense
associated
with
having
a
separate
election
only
for
council
members,
not
to
mention
avoiding
the
potential
for
lower
voter
turnout
and,
finally,
the
fifth
objective:
we've
identified
with
a
preference
to
pursue
alternatives
that
reduce
the
number
of
substantive
legislative
changes,
whether
statutory
or
charter,
or
both
that
would
be
necessary
for
a
successful
implementation.
By
this,
what
we
mean
is
that
we
would
prioritize
alternatives
and
have
a
realistic
chance
for
success,
but
also
satisfy
all
the
other
policy
objectives.
Mr.
C
E
You
mr.
chair,
it's
no
more
of
an
unfunded
mandate
than
the
presidential
primary
was
because
we're
going
through
that
right
now
we're
not
being
reimbursed
for
that
either
and
no
one
said
anything
about
that
when
that
happened,
I'm
wondering,
if
you
could
tell
me,
has
the
staff
vetted
these
policy
objectives
with
the
mayor's
office
is
the
mayor
as
committed
to
this
unified
ballot,
as
the
staff
seemed
to
be
and
I,
don't
think,
there's
unanimity
within
the
council
on
whether
or
not
the
unified
ballot
is
a
top
priority.
Mr.
B
Chair
councilman,
Goodman,
aye
I,
may
not
have
made
clear.
These
are
objectives
staff
identified.
This
is
the
first
time
they've
been
rolled
out
to
any
policymaker,
and
so
with
apologies
for
that
it
was
our
intent
to
make
sure
to
get
in
front
of
you
for
this
first
public
discussion
and
say
this
is
this
is
where
staff
is
and
what
we're
asking
is.
E
Chair
Johnson,
thank
you
for
letting
me
be
here.
It's
unfortunate,
more
members
of
the
council
are
not
here
to
hear
this
and
I.
It
sounds
like
there's
gonna
be
more
conversation
about
this,
but
I
would
think
we
would
want
the
mayor's
office
and
park
board
members
to
weigh
in
on
this
question
of
whether
or
not
the
single
unified
ballot
is
a
top
priority
for
everybody,
because
I
would
guess
if
it
means
they
have
to
run
an
extra
time.
It
won't
be.
B
C
B
Chair
I
will
try
and
get
through
these
examples.
These
are
in
your
packet
and
so
in
your
packet,
you
have
a
copy
of
the
PowerPoint,
but
you
also
have
a
separate
piece
of
paper
towards
the
back.
I
think
it
might
be.
Maybe
the
second
of
the
last
paper
it
takes
both
of
the
alternatives
that
staff
looked
at
and
puts
them
side-by-side
for
comparative
purposes
and
evaluates
each
one
of
them
against
the
five
policy
objectives
that
staff
had
identified
again
staff
identified
we
if
there
are
others
to
be
considered,
we
would
welcome
that
feedback.
B
This
first
alternative
redistricting
approach
is
what
I
would
call
the
no
change
approach
and
by
that
what
I
mean
is
that
we
would
anticipate
the
existing
cycle
of
regular
elections
continuing
with
the
next
municipal
election
in
2021.
This
particular
scenario
assumes
the
Charter
Commission
completes
this
redistricting
of
Ward
boundaries
in
2021
in
time
for
the
new
wards
to
be
in
place
for
the
statutory
deadline
tied
to
the
first
date
of
candidate
filing.
B
So
here
we're
recommending
final
action
to
adopt
new
ward
boundaries
by
June
30th
and
on
one
hand
there
is
the
potential
the
city
might
complete
its
redistricting
redraw
its
ward
boundaries,
conduct
the
regular
election
in
2021
and
satisfy
all
of
the
statutory
and
charter
requirements.
In
that
case,
there
would
be
no
need
for
an
election
in
2023.
Under
this
scenario,
we
have
achieved
all
of
those
policy
objectives
that
were
identified.
However,
there
has
to
be
that
safety
provision
built
in
with
this
proposal,
just
in
case
we
aren't
able
to
complete
redistricting
in
time
for
2021.
B
So
if
redistricting
cannot
be
completed
for
any
reason
in
time
for
a
2021
election
based
on
new
wards,
then
we
would
have
an
shanell
election
in
2023
just
for
the
councilmembers
midway
through
those
original
terms,
this
mid-year
election
2023.
However,
it
would
only
be
for
a
single
two-year
term
referenced.
The
City
Attorney's,
a
legal
opinion
that
talks
about
the
impact
of
our
Charter
and
its
effect
on
writing
the
Cohn
amendment.
B
So
what
that
means
is
that
the
councilmembers
would
stand
for
election
again
in
2025
with
the
mayor
with
the
park
board,
with
the
board
of
estimate
and
Taxation,
and
it
would
reestablish
a
unified
musical
ballot,
which
is
one
of
our
policy
objectives.
This
is
because
the
Charter
explicitly
states
in
Section
four
point
to
be
the
council.
Members
are
elected
in
a
year
following
a
year,
evenly
divisible
by
four
so
by
the
math.
2020
and
2024
are
both
years
evenly
divisible
by
four,
so
the
regular
municipal
elections
with
program
in
2021
and
2025.
B
Thus,
while
the
Kahn
rule
would
necessitate
council
members
to
stand
for
election
in
2023
to
ensure
that
Ward's
reflect
an
equalized
population
based
on
the
most
current
data,
the
city
charter
would
qualify
the
impact
of
that
election
such
that
we
would
be
able
to
reunify
the
entire
ballot
in
2025,
and
so
that
satisfies
four
of
the
five
policy
objectives
shown
on
this
slide.
It
does
not
avoid
extra
costs
for
the
midterm
election,
but
it
is
limited
to
a
one-time
expense
every
twenty
years,
rather
than
adding
a
municipal
election
every
other
year
to
the
four-year
cycle.
B
So,
under
this
alternative,
there
are
some
technical
Corrections
to
both
state
law
and
city
charter
staff
would
recommend
those
are
relatively
minor
and
would
help
to
clarify
the
intent
of
the
underlying
legal
principles.
So,
as
shown
here,
I've
color-coded
the
policy
objectives
for
this
alternative
green
indicates.
The
alternative
satisfies
the
objective.
Yellow
indicates
the
alternative
partially
satisfies
the
objective
red
would
indicate
the
alternative
does
not
satisfy
the
objective.
So
here
you
can
see
that
with
alternative
number
one,
we
fully
satisfy
legal
compliance
and
predictable
cycles
for
voters.
D
You,
mr.
chair
and
so-
and
there
is
also
an
election
each
even
year
because
of
the
state
legislature
and
presidential
elections.
So
in
this
scenario
there
be
an
election
every
year
between
2021
25
and
then
we'd
skip
one
year,
I'm,
just
imagining
the
full
election
cycle
for
a
voter
in
Minneapolis,
okay,
correct.
Thank
you.
B
So
this,
then,
is
the
second
alternative
that
staff
has
evaluated.
It
would
change
the
terms
of
all
of
the
cities,
elected
officials,
and
it
would
provide
a
set
sequencing
of
regular
elections.
So,
instead
of
four-year
terms,
this
alternative
would
require
those
terms
to
be
tied
to
specific
election
dates.
Those
election
dates
would
be
in
the
years
ending
in
1,
3
and
7.
B
This
essentially
creates
a
recurring
pattern
of
elections
in
all
four
all
city
officials,
that
has
a
two-year
term
in
the
year,
ending
in
one
followed
by
two
to
two
years
and
three
and
seven
and
that
resembles
the
election
cycle.
That's
followed
by
the
Minnesota
Senate,
and
what
you
can
see
on
this
table
is
that
this
would
fully
satisfy
the
first
three
policy
objectives.
B
It
would
partially
satisfy
the
fourth
objective
and
that's
because,
whereas
in
the
first
alternative
there
would
at
least
be
five
municipal
regular
elections
in
a
twenty
year
period,
there
would
for
sure
be
six.
So
this
guarantees
a
greater
number
of
elections
within
a
twenty
year
period,
so
it's
more
costly
and
then
also
it
does
not
satisfy
the
final
one
on
reducing
changes
because
of
the
need
to
I
think
councilmember
Goodman
was
hitting
on
this
earlier.
The
need
for
half
the
ballot
who
is
not
affected
by
cohn
would
have
to
be
enlisted
in
that
effort.
B
So
we
would
need
to
seek
a
change
from
the
general
municipal
or
general
municipal
terms
set
by
state
law
and
we
need
to
amend
our
charter
and
we
would
need
to
enlist
the
other
municipal
offices
in
that
effort.
So
I
put
a
read
on
this
alternative.
I
also
would
point
out
that
the
Charter
Commission
at
its
last
meeting
has
decided
to
pursue
consideration
of
the
first
alternative.
B
In
part,
because
of
many
of
the
reasons
I
mentioned
it's
the
least
disruptive
or
least
significant
change,
it
already
is
the
cycle
that
voters
are
used
to.
The
only
difference
is
that
every
twenty
years
there
might
be
a
glitch
if
we
cannot
get
registered
ink
done
in
the
earning
in
one
and
so
for
that
reason
they
are
pursuing
their
process
around
alternative
redistricting
plan
1
and
with
that
I
would
close
very
quickly
mr.
B
chair
to
say
that
our
ask
of
this
committee
and
of
the
council
members
is
to
see
if
the
policy
objective
framework
that
staff
identified
is
sufficient.
If
there
are
other
things,
other
factors
we
should
add.
If
there
is
a
preferred
alternative,
notwithstanding
the
fact
I
just
disclosed
the
Charter
Commission
is
pursuing
alternative
number
one
other
feedback
or
directions
you
have
for
us
and
then
to
note
that
at
their
last
meeting
last
week
the
Charter
Commission
did
announce
they
will
be
conducting
a
public
hearing
at
their
next
meeting
on
Wednesday
March
4th
at
4
p.m.
B
A
You,
mr.
Karle,
do
we
have
any
questions
or
comments
from
committee
members
I
appreciate
that.
Obviously,
this
is
a
very
technical
topic,
very
weighty
and
detail
and
I.
Think
council
president
bender
really
hit
the
nail
on
the
head
with
the
fact
that
there's
really
no
perfect
solution
here
and
no
great
great
options.
So
we're
really
weighing
a
lot
of
different
trade-offs
in
the
process
of
looking
this
looking
at
this.
But
we
really
appreciate
all
the
time
that
staff
put
into
this
I
know
a
lot
of
research.
A
A
lot
of
work
was
done
to
arrive
at
this
and
I
think
that
going
forward.
It's
also
going
to
be
one
of
the
things
that's
on
us
and
a
challenge
to
explain
to
voters
whatever
the
outcome
is
of
this,
how
they
wind
it,
how
they
wound
up
with
an
additional
election
that
now
they
have
to
engage
on
and
need
additional
expense
around
that
or
some
of
these
other
consequences
that
you
experience
when
you
have,
for
instance,
a
two-year
ostensibly
a
two-year
election.
A
For
instance,
we
could
individuals
elected
in
2021
to
the
City
Council,
who
will
essentially
be
running
for
re-election
before
they
even
vote
on
their
first
budget,
and
there
are
consequences
that
go
beyond
just
the
the
asks:
additional
acts
and
burdens
on
the
borders
of
the
city.
We
have
a
comment
or
question
from
council
president
bender
Thank.
D
You
mr.
Sharon
actually
appreciate
you
bringing
up
some
of
those
with
governance,
questions
because
I
think,
regardless
of
where
this
lands
there
will
be
governance
changes,
for
example,
the
biennial
budget
that
we
were
discussing.
One
of
the
reasons
I
was
concerned
about
amending
the
Charter
was
because
in
one
scenario
there
would
be
a
council
that
would
have
never
voted
on
a
budget
until
after
the
potentially
a
two-year
term
had
passed.
It
would
be
a
lame-duck
council
that
had
never
voted
on
a
budget.
D
Maybe
some
people
preferred
that,
but
but
I
didn't
think
that
was
great
for
the
council.
I
think
it's
so
I
just
I
want
to
say
a
couple
things
first
I've
been
attending
the
Charter
Commission
meetings
and
I
appreciate
the
thoughtfulness
that
they're
bringing
to
this
I
do
think
it's
worth
noting
for
the
public
and
my
colleagues
that
a
lot
of
that
conversation
is
focused
on
and
feel
free
to
reach
out
to
charter.
D
Commission
members,
yourselves
I,
don't
want
to
speak
for
them,
but
they're
talking
a
lot
about
sort
of
the
weight
between
how
much
time
and
effort
to
put
into
community
engagement
around
the
redistricting
process
itself,
because
they
did
so
much
innovative
and
important
work
in
engagement.
Last
time
versus
you
know,
speeding
up
the
redistricting
process
so
that
we
might
be
able
to
have
an
election
that
would
keep
the
the
cycle
on
on
its
current
track,
and
so
I
just
think.
It's
important
to
know
that
I
don't
know
the
answer
to
which
is
more
important.
D
Engaging
members
of
the
public
on
the
redistricting
process
itself
versus
potentially
in
the
in
the
election
itself.
I
do
represent
a
ward
where
there's
a
large
disparity
between
neighborhoods
and
empress'
inks
in
voter
turnout,
and
you
have
to
work
really
really
really
hard
to
turn
out.
Voters
in
low
turnout,
precincts
I
represent
a
ward
where
most
people
don't
know
who
their
City
Council
member
is
I
know
that
when
I've
talked
with
footers
in
my
community,
the
mayor's
election
does
seem
to
generate
more
interest
in
excitement.
I
saw
a
big
difference.
D
They
overlay
tsa's
overlap
with
the
places
that
have
low
voter
turnout
that
we
would
be
disenfranchising
voters
by
having
a
very
low
turnout
election
for
the
City
Council,
which
has
such
an
important
role
in
advocating
for
constituents
in
the
city.
So
I
always
thought
many
times.
I
thought
it
was
worth
voicing
it.
Here
I
am
a
little
disappointed
that
alternative
two
is
getting
such
little
conversation
there's
been
a
lot
of
talk
of
the
Charter
Commission
about
the
convenience
of
council
members,
but
we're
gonna
work.
You
know
we're
likely.
Gonna
have
a
two-year
term.
D
You
might
have
two
two-year
terms.
We
might
be
running
in
a
ward
that
we
don't
even
know
I
mean
there's
not
there's
going
to
be
inconvenience
for
council
members,
I'm,
not
hearing
them
talk
about
getting
convenience
for
any
of
the
other
elected
offices
in
the
city
and
weighing
that
against
the.
What
to
me
seems
like
a
much
clearer
easier
to
follow
election
cycle
for
a
typical
resident
in
in
our
city.
That
might
you
know
where
it
all
stays
on
the
same
ballot.
It's
a
clear
and
consistent
pattern
of
two
year
for
your
four-year
terms.
D
Every
ten
years
then
redistricting
happens
so
to
me
that
just
seems
more
clear,
more
predictable,
I
understand
that
it
would
inconvenience
a
lot
of
other
elected
officials.
But
for
me
that's
worth
having
that
conversation
and
saying
we
know
where
is
really
the
priority
for
our
residents,
who
were
all
here
to
support
and
represent.
A
The
other
comments
or
questions
from
committee
members
just
building
off
of
the
redistricting
piece,
I,
think
that
you
know.
Certainly
we
obviously
have
to
wait
for
the
census
data
to
become
available,
but
I
know
there's
a
lot
of
other
data
sources
that
are
available
around
population
changes
that
have
occurred
in
our
city,
and
so
we
are
able
to
get
fairly
accurate
with
that
and
I
think
in
investment
up
front
in
the
engagement
and
being
able
to
make
sure
that
we're
prepared
for
that.
A
We
have
a
good
idea
where
things
are
going
to
line
up
and
to
be
able
to
have
those
conversations
with
residents
makes
a
lot
of
sense
when
we
consider
that
the
alternative
is.
If
we
miss
that
time
line,
it
is
going
to
be
millions
of
dollars
additional
for
taxpayers
and
additional
burdens
and
asks
on
voters
as
well.
B
Too
soon
I
don't
think
I'm
out
of
law
I'm,
not
speaking
for
the
Charter
Commission
in
any
way
shape
or
form,
but
at
their
last
meeting
mr.
Cleg,
the
chair
of
the
Charter
Commission,
who
couldn't
be
here
today,
did
mention
so
I
did
want
to
call
attention
to
the
council
members
that
the
Charter
itself
does
provide
under
the
article
on
boundaries,
which
is
where
we
find
that
the
provisions
related
to
redistricting
that
the
City
Council
may
enact
an
ordinance
necessary
and
prudent
to
implement
this
section.
And
so,
as
mr.
B
Cleg
told
his
colleagues
on
the
Charter
Commission,
this
body
could
adopt
an
ordinance
saying
we
want
redistricting
done
in
2021.
Make
it
happen,
I
think
the
Charter
Commission
is
looking
for
that
direction
or
or
what
preference
the
council
as
a
body
has.
This
is
our
first
public
discussion,
which
is
why
I
think
it's
important
for
this
body
to
look
at
the
proposed
policy
framework.
Add
to
it
or
you
know,
we've
got
on
the
agenda
approving
it
as
it
is.
B
We
can
always
come
back
and
revisit
that
I
know
we're
out
of
time
and
have
to
move
quickly
and
I
apologize
for
that.
This
is
a
very,
very
complex,
nuanced
issue,
a
set
of
issues
that
overlap
redistricting,
an
amuse
elections.
The
impact
I
would
also
share
with
you.
I
did
say
this,
but
maybe
to
hit
a
little
bit
harder
on
this
point.
This
is
only
the
second
time
the
Charter
Commission
has
done
redistricting
the
only
experience
they
have
was
from
ten
years
ago,
the
first
time
they
did
it.
B
Now
many
members
have
done
redistricting
I,
don't
want
to
disqualify
that,
but
as
a
body
for
the
first
time
with
with
the
requirements
under
our
Charter,
it
was
our
first
time
and
so
a
lot
of
time
was
spent
sort
of
creating
the
foundation.
We've
done
that
work
and
knowing
that
we
are
under
a
tight
timeline.
This
athletic
ten
years
ago
I
mean
here's.
B
Here's
the
staff,
people
who
were
supporting
the
Charter
Commission
ten
years
ago,
myth
machine
and
myself
this
year
we
already
have
a
group
of
staff
that
represents
the
race
equity
division
from
the
city
coordinators
office.
The
results
Minneapolis
from
the
city
quarters
office,
the
IT
data
analytics
team,
the
IT
Jas
team,
the
clerk's
office,
the
attorney's
office
and
many
other
groups
that
have
come
together
to
help
provide.
We
have
a
staff
team
of
at
least
I,
think
twenty
some
people
and
one
of
the
things
we've
talked
about
doing
it's
flipping
the
schedule.
B
Instead
of
waiting
for
April
to
start,
we've
got
the
rest
of
this
year
and
the
early
months
of
2021.
To
talk
about
to
your
point.
Mr.
chair,
there
are
other
data
sources.
We
could
begin
to
do
community
outreach
and
education.
We
could
begin
to
do.
How
has
the
population
shifted?
Where
have
we
grown?
Where
have
we
lost
populations?
What
do
those
populations
look
like?
What
are
those
trends,
and
so
I
think
that
it
is
not
impossible
that
we,
we
could
do
a
good
set
of
outreach
and
engagement
such
that
people
are
ready.
B
I
do
think
it
would
help
the
Charter
Commission
to
know
where
this
body
stands
and
to
have
sort
of
that
alignment
between
this
body,
which
we'll
be
living
with
the
results
of
the
wards
that
are
drawn
and
also
drawing
precincts
within
those
words
and
the
Charter
Commission
who
has
to
draw
the
wards
so
I
know
that
there
were
some
proposals
to
take
action
on
the
policy
framework
and
the
redistricting
alternative
and
I
appreciate
that
in
the
interest
of
time.
Perhaps
we
should
come
back
at
a
next
meeting.
B
A
Karle
really
appreciate
those
comments.
I
think
that's
a
great
suggestion
and
the
more
we
can
look
at
can
we
set
up
a
way
to
engage
residents
and
complete
that
redistricting
in
a
way
that
meets
our
expectations
and
our
standards
for
quality,
but
also
avoids
these
unintended
consequences
related
to
this
law.
I
think
that
would
be
ideal,
so
not
seeing
any
further
concert.
Councillor
Goodman
thank.
E
But
you
know
from
running
yourself
that
most
people
will
make
a
decision
about
whether
or
not
they're
gonna
run
this
year
for
sure
by
the
end
of
this
year,
and
so
what
this
does
is
it
almost
creates
a
situation
where
challengers
are
really
challenged
to
determine
if
they're
gonna
run,
because
they
don't
know
what
word
they're
gonna
be
in.
They
don't
know
if
they'll
be
redistricting,
if
they're
even
close
to
a
line,
then
will
they
be
in
one
word
or
another,
and
so
I
don't
want
to
call
it
an
incumbent
protection
thing.
E
But
it
seems
to
me
by
pushing
the
deadline
for
redistricting
almost
14
days
before
the
candidate
filing
it
leaves.
Challengers
could
be
in
open
seats,
I'm,
not
suggesting,
even
amongst
us,
that
it
leaves
it
so
late
in
the
game
that
we
might
like
it,
because
we
won't
have
to
campaign
for
like
a
whole
year
and
a
half
it'll
just
be
part
of
the
year,
but
who
will
know?
E
No
one
will
know
where
they
actually
are
in
reality,
and
that's
if
the
legislature
gets
us
the
actual
information
and
that's
a
big
if
it
hasn't
happened
in
40
years,
not
one
time
in
40
years
and
I,
wouldn't
I
mean
I
personally
wouldn't
say:
well
we're
gonna
win
the
Senate.
Therefore
they're
gonna
do
it
quickly.
Even
then
we
could
lose
a
seat
in
Congress,
so
that
could
take
time
the
earliest
possible
date
we
could
get.
E
The
numbers
would
be
April
1st,
and
under
that
scenario
the
completion
deadline
is
still
14
days
before
July
27th,
which
is
the
filing.
So
it
feels
like
it's
really
compressed
I,
just
don't
see
practically
how
it
happens.
That
said,
I
personally,
don't
like
the
two
two-year
term
thing.
I
think
what
that
does
is
create
a
problem
for
our
staff
and
the
enterprise
overall
and
the
feeling
that
we're
in
constant
election
mode,
which
is
really
stressful
to
staff.
This
is,
like
you
know
the
Titanic.
E
This
is
a
big
business
that
thirteen
people
govern,
but
100
hundreds
of
people
run
and
the
uncertainty
over
the
election
is
a
problem
as
well.
So
I'm
certainly
not
saying
this
isn't
a
problem.
It
is
for
governance
of
the
city,
but
a
bigger
problem
in
my
opinion,
would
be
trying
to
rush
through
a
redistricting
process
that
doesn't
tell
anyone
who's
in
what
Ward,
until
14
days
before
the
filing
deadline.
E
You
kind
of
have
to
know
where
you're
gonna
live
and
where
what
Ward
you're
in
before
you
make
a
decision
about
whether
you're
not
going
to
run
and
I.
Think
that
will
be
perceived
as
an
incumbent,
protection
effort
and
so
I
would
just
caution.
Us
I
do
think.
There's
another
argument
about
the
running
of
the
city
and
it's
legit,
but
the
narrative
we're
gonna
hear
out
of
this
is
this:
is
a
set
up
to
protect
incumbents
because
challengers
will
not
have
the
ability
to
run
given
this
timeline.
I
just
want
to
note
that
thinking.
A
Councilmember
Goodman
and
just
to
clarify
with
mr.
Karle,
isn't
the
regular
timeline
that
the
redistricting
is
supposed
to
be
complete
in
60
days.
I
know
there
is
an
alternative,
but
it
is
60
days
is
considered.
That
is
considered
the
regular
timeline.
Yes,
absolutely
certainly,
council,
president
banner
Thank.
D
You
mr.
chair
I,
you
know
I
also
think
there
are
some
real
questions
about
redistricting
and
then
having
the
election
that
quickly
but
I,
one
of
which
is
that
that
could
also
happen
to
incumbents
incumbents,
wouldn't
know
what
Shore
they
were
living
in
either.
So
I'm
not
sure
that
it's
really
a
an
incumbent
protection
strategy.
It's
there's
almost
certainly
going
to
be
compression.
D
The
word
you
know
City
is
not
growing
equally,
so
there
will
be
big
shifts
and
mostly
in
the
center
of
the
city,
so
I
think
a
lot
of
incumbents
could
end
up
living
in
in
similar
wards.
So
I
mean
it's
just
like.
There
are
a
lot
of
issues
created
by
this
new
law
that
we
have
to
comply
with,
and
that
is
one
of
them.
I
think
this
one
might
have
equal
effect
on
incumbents
and
challengers.
D
A
You
I
appreciate
those
comments.
I
would
agree
that
with
really
any
one
of
the
scenarios
you
could
make
an
argument
either
or
or
against
incumbent
or
challenger
advantage
in
the
reality.
Is
that
there's
trade-offs
with
all
of
these?
So
not
seeing
any
further
comments.
What
I'll
do
is
move
the
receive
and
file
and
then
postpone
to
the
next
cycle,
any
sort
of
approval
of
the
policy
objectives
or
an
alternative
timeline.
So
not
seeing
any
discussion
on
that
all
those
in
favor,
please
say
aye
aye.
Those
opposed
motion
carries.
A
We
do
have
our
federal
state,
local
legislative
updates
on
the
agenda,
but
are
we
good
mr.
Ranieri
waiving
the
time
line
because
of
bt?
Excellent?
Thank
you.
I
will
go
ahead
then,
and
postpone
that
we'll
just
vote
on
that.
All
those
in
approval,
please
say
aye.
Those
opposed
the
motion
carries
with
seeing
no
further
business
before
us.
This
meeting
is
adjourned
thanks.
Everyone
for
your
patience
on
on
the
presentation
as
well.