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From YouTube: Federal Law Enforcement Virtual Meeting
Description
Congress is considering law enforcement legislation in the wake of protests surrounding the death of George Floyd. Final congressional action is expected by the end of June. Join us for Q&A and discussion with House and Senate staff working on the Justice in Policing Act and the JUSTICE Act.
A
A
Get
going
so
good
afternoon,
everyone
welcome
to
the
National
Conference
of
State
Legislators,
second
of
a
three-part
meeting
series
on
policing
policy
hosted
by
the
law,
criminal
justice
and
Public
Safety
Committee.
My
name
is
Lucia
Bragg
senior
policy,
specialist
staffing,
the
committee
and
and
I
will
be
your
moderator
today
before
I
introduce
our
speakers.
I
want
to
go
over
a
few
logistics
of
this
briefing.
So
for
now,
everyone
is
on
mute.
A
I,
encourage
you
to
ask
questions
as
we
go
using
the
chat
box,
which
is
either
on
the
right
of
your
screen
or
accessible
by
clicking
the
word
bubble:
symbol
in
the
navigation
bar
at
the
bottom
of
your
screen,
so
NZSL
staff
on
the
line
will
collect
questions
for
Q&A
and
our
presenters
will
respond
at
the
end
of
end
of
the
full
presentation.
So
we
have
two
speakers.
They'll
respond
your
questions
at
the
very
end
of
both
those
presentations.
A
This
meeting
will
be
recorded
and
posted
on
ESL's
YouTube
page
for
future
reference,
and
once
our
speakers
begin
and
cssf
will
periodically,
you
know,
enter
related
resource
links
into
the
chat
box
for
your
reference,
so
without
further
delay.
I
won't
pivot
to
today's
program.
The
nation
has
witnessed
a
powerful
series
of
protests
across
the
country
in
recent
weeks
in
response
to
the
death
of
George
Floyd,
while
in
Minneapolis
police
custody.
These
recent
protests
have
generated
federal
and
state
interest
and
examining
and
revising
police
practices.
A
This
series
is
meant
to
educate
and
inform
state
legislators
and
legislative
staff
across
the
country
who
were
on
placing
issues
in
their
states.
So
today
we
will
discuss
congressional
policing
reform
legislation
in
the
wake
of
those
protests,
specifically
we're
going
to
talk
about
the
Justice
Act
in
the
Senate
and
the
George
fluid
justice
and
policing
act
in
the
house.
So
our
speakers
today
are
Keenan
Keller
and
Emily.
Lavery
Emily
currently
serves
as
Senator
Tim
Scott's
legislative
assistant
for
his
work
on
issues
under
the
Senate
Judiciary
Committee's
her.
A
So
in
her
role,
Emily
advises
senator
Scott
on
criminal
justice
reform
and
policing
reform,
in
addition
to
immigration,
judicial
nominations
and
other
issues
under
the
committee's
jurisdiction.
Emily
serves
as
Senator
Scott's
advisor
during
the
drafting
debate
and
final
passage
of
the
first-step
Act,
the
justice
for
victims
of
lynching
Act,
as
well
as
the
drafting
and
introduction
of
Senator
Scott's
Justice
Act,
which
we'll
be
talking
about
today.
This
year
marks
her
fifth
year
serving
for
the
senator.
A
Our
second
speaker
will
be
Keenan
Keller
ken
is
senior
Democratic
Council
for
the
House
Judiciary
Committee.
In
this
capacity
he
draws
and
analyzes
legislation
on
a
range
of
issues,
including
civil
rights,
criminal
law,
constitutional
law
and
immigration,
for
both
the
Subcommittee
on
the
Constitution
and
civil
rights
and
civil
liberties
and
the
full
Judiciary
Committee.
So
currently,
Keenan
serves
as
primary
counsel
for
the
drafting
and
managing
passage
of
the
George
Floyd
justice
and
Leasing
Act,
which
we'll
be
talking
about
today.
A
So
you
know
it's
worth
mentioning
that
for
more
than
two
decades,
Keenan
has
worked
with
the
committee
to
develop
bipartisan
solutions
to
a
range
of
challenging.
You
know
social
and
legal
issues,
and
you
know
major
legislative
initiatives
have
included.
You
know.
Voting
rights
advancement
act,
a
second-chance
act,
Hate,
Crimes,
Prevention,
Act,
unsolved
civil
rights,
crime,
Act,
the
end
racial
profiling,
Act
and
so
Kenan.
We're
gonna
start
with
you
and
the
floor
is
yours.
B
Thank
you
very
much.
Can
everybody
hear
me?
Okay,
a
good
knob!
Well,
the
tragic
death
of
George
Boyd
has
awakened
the
nation
in
the
world
to
the
gross
and
justices
that
too
many
African
Americans
face
on
a
daily
basis
at
the
hands
of
their
local
police.
It's
not
a
new
story,
but
it's
the
sad
truth
that
when
people
tell
their
stories
of
police
abuse
in
the
past,
they
simply
weren't
believed,
and
it's
taken
technology,
these
iPhone
videos
and
the
active
involvement
of
citizens
to
document
and
expose
the
reality
that
exists
in
their
communities.
B
At
this
point,
it's
important
that
we
not
let
this
moment
pass
us
by
in
the
time
that
I've
been
on
the
committee
we've
seen
far
far
far
too
many
of
these
incidents
we've
seen,
you
know
an
uptick
of
interest
at
the
Congressional
level,
but
never
until
the
death
of
George
Floyd.
When
the
public
had
to
confront
the
eight
minutes
and
46
seconds
of
video
and
watching
him
die.
Have
we
had
the
kind
of
activity
that
we
see
today
on
the
streets?
B
It's
important
for
all
of
you
to
know
that
this
is
not
a
short
time
effort.
This
is
not
a
passing
fancy
of
members
of
the
house
and
specifically
on
the
Congressional
Black
Caucus
john
connor's,
who
I
really
worked
for
when
I
started
on
the
committee
was
the
architect
of
the
pattern
and
practice
enforcement
provision
in
the
1994
crime
bill.
B
B
It's
important
for
us
to
note
that
this
legislation
does
not
come
from
a
place
of
hostility
to
the
police.
We
have
been
working
with
police
executive
organizations.
We've
been
working
with
patrol
officers,
organizations
for
well
more
than
a
decade
to
craft
much
of
this
bill,
and
so
when
the
moment
arose,
we
were
able
to
act
quickly
to
put
this
legislation
forward
in
the
house.
The
Bills
have
been
seen
by
again
executive
and
patrol
officers
organizations.
They
are
very
familiar
with
what's
in
the
bill,
and
so
they
were
able
to
react
quickly
to
that.
B
It
should
also
have
highly
trained
officers
who
are
accountable
to
the
public,
and
we
think
that
the
bill
accomplishes
this
I
want
to
walk
through
some
of
these
provisions.
I
know
that
I
handed
out
a
back
sheet
about
the
bill
and
a
comparison
between
their
George
Floyd
justice
and
policing,
Act
sacked
and
the
president's
executive
order,
but
the
and
I'll
make
a
quick
trip
through
this.
The
first
thing
that
we
actually
do
is
amend
18
USC
242
to
establish
a
crime
around
chokeholds
and
reckless
activities.
You
know
by
the
police.
B
B
We
expand
pattern
in
practice,
Authority
at
the
federal
level
and
at
the
state
level
we
provide
grants
to
assist
state
attorneys
general
in
bringing
pattern
and
practice
investigations,
and
we
also
condition
Byrne
jag
and
cops
grants
on
the
elimination
of
any
contractual
practice
in
collective
bargaining
that
would
prevent
the
Attorney
General
from
seeking
or
enforcing
equitable
or
declaratory
relief
against
law
enforcement
agencies
engaging
in
patterns
or
practices
of
constitutional
rights.
We
have
a
provision
that
addresses
independent
investigations
where
we
create
again
grant
authority
to
help
states
and
localities
create
their
own
independent
investigative
procedures.
B
We
have
the
law,
enforcement,
trust
and
integrity
act,
provision
which
I
mentioned
earlier,
which
creates
national
standards
and
requires
accreditation
for
eligibility
for
discretionary
grants
for
police
departments.
It's
very
important
to
note
that
both
the
president's
executive
order
and
the
George
Floyd
hospital
contain
this
provision.
The
reason
why
this
is
so
important
is
that
there
are
a
host
of
operating
standards
that
should
be
modernized
in
many
police
departments
and
those
best
practices
can
actually
be
developed
and
actually
pushed
through
to
local
law
enforcement
agencies
through
independent
accreditation
provisions.
B
We
also
have
transparency
in
data.
We
have
a
broad
range
of
data
collection
requirements
here
that
would
allow
data
collection
on
use
of
force
and
racial
profiling
across
the
board.
It's
very
important
to
note
that
these
kinds
of
data
collection
provisions
are
supported
by
policing
organizations,
especially
executive
organizations.
Most
departments
collect
data
as
a
high
level
management
practice,
and
it's
important
for
us
to
note
that
this
is
actually
something
that
should
be
done
across
departments.
B
The
thing
to
remember
from
our
history
about
all
of
this
is
that
there
are
many
departments
out
there
which
are
not
operating
with
best
practices
in
place.
They
don't
collect
management
data
and
then,
when
something
happens,
it
is
a
surprise
to
executives
it's
a
surprise
to
legislators,
because
they
weren't
able
to
track
efficiently
or
to
any
real
degree
what
was
actually
going
on
within
their
police
departments.
It's
also
important
to
note
that
this
data
collection
program
that
we
have
in
the
bill
has
been
partially
adopted
in
senator
Scottsville.
B
We
again
have
a
prohibition
on
racial
profiling,
which
goes
back
to
President
Bush's
first
State
of
the
Union
address
when
he
asked
that
we
developed
anti
profiling
legislation
with
the
Department
of
Justice
that
he
was
prepared
to
sign
in
late
2001.
Unfortunately,
9/11
was
a
tragic
intervening
event
and
that
moved
us
off
the
focus
on
the
elimination
of
racial
profiling,
but
it
has
remained
a
priority
within
the
CDC
and
within
many
members
of
the
House
and
the
Senate,
and
the
bill
puts
those
anti
profiling
provisions
to
the
place
and
requires
data
collection.
B
We
create
a
best
practice
duty
to
innervate
the
bill.
Blanc
bans
no-knock
warrants
the
bull
bans,
chokeholds
and
carotid
holds
it,
establishes
use
of
force
as
use
of
deadly
force
as
an
absolute
last-ditch
option
under
federal
law
and
requires
that
states
again
through
the
conditioning
of
grants
adopt
similar
similar.
You
know
last
alternative,
you
know
deadly
force
requirements.
B
There
are
limitations
to
the
1033
program,
which
would
limit
the
transfer
of
military
grade
of
equipment
to
state
and
local
law
enforcement
agencies,
and
we,
interestingly
I,
think
to
too
many
folks
create
public
safety
innovation
grants
as
part
of
a
legislation
which
would
allow
communities
to
engage
in
the
effort
of
rethinking
what
public
safety
would
involve
in
their
communities.
While
working
with
law
enforcement
agencies,
we
also
have
a
sweep
through
body
cam
legislation.
B
We
require
body
cams
of
uniformed
and
federal
officers
and
there's
a
body
cam
program
that
allows
departments
which
have
not
yet
been
able
to
afford
purchased
body
cams
or
need
financial
assistance
to
maintain
their
body
cam
program
to
obtain
grants
from
federal
government
for
those
purposes.
We
close
the
law
enforcement
consent
loophole
Act,
which
makes
it
unlawful
for
a
federal
law
enforcement
officer
to
engage
in
a
sexual
act,
while
under
color
of
law
or
with
an
individual
who
is
under
arrest
or
in
detention
or
in
custody
and
I.
B
The
effort
really
started
around
a
letter
that
came
from
the
Leadership
Conference
on
civil
and
human
rights,
and
it
was
signed
by
more
than
400
groups
and
they
had
eight
basic
priorities.
One
was
the
creation
of
a
use-of-force
standard
that
allows
force
only
when
used
w,
pourcel
and
necessary
and
the
last
result
they
were
looking
for
ban
of
choke
holes.
They
were
looking
for
a
ban
on
racial
profiling.
They
wanted
to
establish
a
national
police
misconduct
registry.
They
wanted
the
inclusion
of
recklessness
as
a
standard
of
18
USC
two
for
two.
B
B
Stop
there
because
I,
you
know
giving
you
a
lot
of
information
and
I'm
sure
that
there
are
a
lot
of
questions
flowing
out
of
this.
But
we
believe
that
what
we've
done
with
the
gorge
for
justice
and
policing
Act
is
to
make
an
effort
that
responds
to
the
moment.
We've
involved
law
enforcement.
We
have
long-term
involvement
with
you
know
our
House
Republicans
and
presidential
administrations
to
make
this
I
think
a
historic
by
in
effort,
and
we
hope
that
the
Stars
will
align
and
legislation
can
make
it
through
the
President's
desk.
Thank
you
very
much.
All.
A
A
C
Thank
you
and
again,
thank
you
guys
so
much
for
having
me
on
happy
to
include
some
links
to
our
bill
again.
This
is
all
available
on
senator
Scott's
website
underneath
of
his
press
heading.
So
if
you
want
to
go
there
just
get
some
more
materials,
a
section
by
section
fact
sheet
exact
text
of
the
bill.
It's
all
available
there,
so
I
definitely
encourage
folks
that
are
wanting
to
get.
You
know
some
more
materials
to
definitely
stop
there
first,
but
generally
speaking,
you
know.
C
This
was
a
large
motivation
in
terms
of
him
going
to
the
leader
and
asking
to
be
the
lead
on
this
issue.
So
again
you
know
upon
the
death
of
Walter
Scott
that
was
when
Senator
Scott,
first
again
introducing
bills
in
the
space.
So
that's
when
he
first
introduced
the
Walter
Scott
notification,
Act,
which
further
increases
accountability
and
transparency
in
law
enforcement
fire
by
requiring
use
of
force
reporting.
C
The
reality
is
far
too
many.
People
of
color
have
lost
faith
in
law
enforcement
in
tragedies
like
George,
Floyd's,
death
or
Brianna.
Taylor
staff
only
add
to
the
breakdown
of
the
relationships
between
law
enforcement
and
the
communities
they
serve
in
particular
communities
of
color.
Well,
we
know
that
the
vast
majority
of
our
law
enforcement
officers
are
good,
honest
people.
We
also
want
to
do
our
best
to
make
sure
that
they
all
are
and
that
people
of
color
don't
have
to
look
over
their
shoulders
any
longer.
C
So
in
terms
of
the
Justice
Act
and
and
it's
specific
provisions,
it
covers
a
lot
there's
a
lot
of
overlap
with
the
house.
There's
a
lot
of
differences
with
the
house
and
I'll
get
into
those
as
well,
but
in
short,
the
Justice
Act,
namely
the
litany
of
law
enforcement
reforms,
including
use
of
force,
reporting,
no-knock,
weren't
reporting,
incentivizing
chokehold
bans.
Increasing
penalties
for
false
police
reports
obviously
includes
an
extremely
robust
grant
program
to
get
more
body
more
cameras
on
the
streets.
C
You
know
we
included
law
enforcement
records
retention
which
would
allow
for
sharing
of
disciplinary
records
so
that
we
can
ensure
that
an
officer
who
is
maybe
a
bad
actor
in
one
County
can't
simply
go
three
counties
over
and
get
a
job
that
they
maybe
should
not
have.
Of
course,
we
include
the
justice
for
victims
of
lynching
Act,
which
is
my
boss's
bill
that
has
passed
the
Senate
twice.
C
We
also
included
our
law
enforcement
agency,
hiring
and
training
provision,
which
is
grant
eligibility
for
recruiters
and
academy
candidates,
and
this
is
again
to
ensure
that
our
law
enforcement
departments
look
more
like
the
communities
that
they
are
trying
to
police.
So
again,
I've
mentioned
a
little
bit
about
the
best
practices
pieces
as
well,
and
we
also
include
reauthorization
of
burned.
C
Jagan
cops
as
well
as
the
closing
the
law
enforcement
loophole
Act,
which
makes
it
unlawful
for
a
law
enforcement
officer
to
engage
in
a
sex
act
while
acting
under
color
of
law
with
an
individual
who
is
under
arrest.
We
also
include
five
bipartisan
measures,
which,
of
course,
is
the
closing
the
law
enforcement
consent
loophole.
Act
the
National
Criminal
Justice
Commission
act,
the
justice
for
victims
of
lynching,
Act,
the
Commission
on
the
social
status
of
black
men
and
boys
Act,
as
well
as
the
reauthorization
of
the
cops
program.
C
So
again
you
have
a
lot
of
bipartisan
measures
that
were
really
baked
into
the
bill.
You
know
before
it
was.
It
was
even
brought
to
the
floor
and
Senator
Scott
very
much
so
did
that
intentionally.
Right
and
again,
you
know
we're
very
much
so
aware
of
the
provisions
the
house
had
put
out.
You
know
their
stated
goals
and
really
made
a
concerted
effort
to
again
home
in
on
the
issues
we're
trying
to
address
so
again.
C
I
know
I've
thrown
a
lot
out
there,
but
in
terms
of
the
three
main
goals
we
chiefly
focused
on
improving
and
reforming
policing
practices,
bolstering
accountability
and
law
enforcement
and
increasing
transparency
in
the
criminal
justice
system
so
kind
of
within
that
first
bucket
right.
The
Justice
Act
immediately
puts
an
end
to
these
and
choke
holds
it
enlists.
Doj
to
develop
and
implement
training
on
de-escalation,
responding
to
mental
health
care
and
fulfillment
of
duty
to
intervene.
Policies
also
promotes
again
diverse,
hiring,
which
we've
already
kind
of
covered,
puts
more
body-worn
cameras
on
the
streets.
C
We
also
require
the
director
of
the
National
Museum
of
african-american
history
and
culture
to
develop
and
nationally
disseminate
a
curriculum
to
educate
participants
on
the
history
of
racism
in
the
United
States
and
again.
This
is
a
really
critical
part
of
the
bill
is
addressing
issues
of
racism
through
education
and
not
just
turning
a
blind
eye
to
the
experiences
of
different
people
within
this
country,
as
well
as
the
historic
and
you
know,
systemic
disparities
that
continue
to
persist
and
the
outcomes
as
it
relates
to
law
enforcement.
C
So
again,
we
also
fostered
the
development
of
best
practices
for
hiring
firing
and
discipline
of
law
enforcement
officers,
which
we
know
can
be
very
tricky
from
jurisdiction
to
jurisdiction
as
well.
As
you
know,
in
terms
of
the
second
bucket
of
bolstering
accountability,
we
of
course
require
departments
to
maintain
appropriately
share
and
reviewed
disciplinary
records
before
an
officer
is
hired.
C
You
know
we
also
folk,
but
a
pretty
heavy
emphasis
on
focusing
on
requiring
the
use
of
force,
reporting,
no-knock
warrant
reporting,
both
of
which
are
made
public
as
well
as
public
lists
of
which
departments
have
certified
that
their
officers
are
adequately
trained
on
de-escalation,
responding
to
mental
health
crises
and
the
duty
to
intervene,
which
is
not
too
dissimilar
from
what
the
White
House
put
out
as
well,
and
then,
of
course,
we
have
a
couple
Commission's,
looking
at
comprehensive
reviews
of
a
number
of
issues.
So
again
you
know
we're
starting
to
talk
about
kind
of.
C
Where
do
we
both
overlap?
And
where
do
we
differ?
That's
not
to
say
that
you
know
there
aren't
key
areas
of
discrepancies.
Obviously
there
are
or
I
don't
think
we
would
be
in
this
current
situation
right
where
the
process
appears
very
much
so
stalled
out,
but
that's
not
to
say
that
there
is
absolutely
no
overlap
in
this
process
right.
Both
banned,
unnecessary
and
deadly
practices
like
choke
holds
both
require
more
and
better
training
in
practices
for
law
enforcement
in
key
areas
like
the
escalation
duty
to
intervene,
etc.
C
Both
support
the
expanded
use
of
fighting
more
cameras,
both
support
information
sharing
to
ensure
bad
candidates
are
weeded
out
before
they're
hired,
both
from
better
higher
impact
practices
and
securing
more
diverse
hires.
Both
provide
for
education
for
law
enforcement,
on
racial
disparities
and
systemic
disenfranchisement
of
people
of
color.
Both
focus
on
rooting
out
racial
disparities,
both
focus
on
boosting
community
transparency
and
relationships
between
law
enforcement
and
the
neighborhoods
they're.
Serving
and
again
both
focus
on
public
reporting
on
a
use
of
force
to
promote
transparency.
C
Both
make
publicly
available
information
about
how
law
enforcement
agencies
are
being
run
and
both
investigate
and
recommend
ways
that
we
can
shore
up
resources
at
the
federal
level,
outside
of
law
enforcement,
to
improve
outcomes
and,
of
course,
both
make
lynching.
A
federal
crime
for
the
first
time
in
US
history,
which
is
a
little
bit,
should
be
passed
right
now.
C
He
Democrats,
who
you
know,
are
leaders
on
these
issues
and
limits
process,
and
so
again
you
know
well,
there
are
definitely
key
areas
that
need
to
be
worked
out
and
areas
that
our
bill
covers,
that
the
House
bill
doesn't
cover
and
we
have
different
ways.
Of
course.
Through
you
know
the
mechanics,
definitions,
penalties,
applications
in
many
areas,
you
know
again,
Senator
Scott
remains
really
hopeful
that
we
can
get
to
a
good
place
and
again
not
miss
this
moment.
C
So
in
terms
of
items
that
the
Justice
Act
includes
that
the
House
bill
does
not,
that
would
be.
You
know
false
police
reports
on
crime,
sex
police
sex
acts,
creating
that
as
a
new
crime
to
new
commissions
rooms
of
the
house
still,
which
I
think
it
was
already
really
well
covered
by
Keenan
and
4c
of
242
qualified
immunities
pattern
of
practice,
independent
reviews
for
use
of
force
investigations,
restrictions
on
transfer
of
military
equipment.
C
So
again,
you
know
we're
very
much
so
aware
of
you
know
we're
we're
a
little
bit
far
apart,
and
we
also
know
that
one
bill
cannot
and
will
not
solve
every
issue
in
a
criminal
justice
system.
But
again
you
know
we
have
a
moment
here
to
take
action
to
put
our
country
on
a
path
towards
progress.
This
is
a
defining
moment,
for
so
many
reasons,
and
we
know
that
this
body
has
come
together
before
to
accomplish
major
change.
We
did
it
in
the
first
step
back
not
long
ago
and
again
under
this
president.
C
So
again,
Senator
Scott
is
gonna,
continue
working
to
see
that
we
can
get
something
pivotal
done
here.
He
has
really
great
relationships
frankly,
across
the
aisle
and
within
the
Republican
Conference
as
well.
You
know
I,
don't
think
that
anybody
and
I'll
speak
for
the
Senate
side,
but
you
know
I
think
members
have
been
very
vocal
about
not
questioning
each
other's
intentions
and
each
other's
heart
in
this
process,
and
that's
so
important
because
again
we're
gonna
have
to
come
together
as
one
body.
C
If
we
really
want
to
achieve
something
here-
and
the
reality
is,
is
that
we
do.
We
know
that
we're
heading
into
the
4th
of
July
recess
and
what
two
or
three
days
I
apologize
I
keep
forgetting
whether
today
is
Tuesday
or
Wednesday,
so
I
think
it
would
be
very,
very
surprising
if
we
saw
something
move
this
week,
but
we
have
another
real
shot.
C
A
Emily
that
was
really
excellent,
and
you
know
it's
always
worth
kind
of
reiterating.
On
our
end,
you
know
the
real
emphasis
that
DSL
puts
on
bipartisanship
and
kind
of
that
that
cooperation
so
really
appreciate
you
outlining
the
key
elements
that
are
the
same
in
the
two
bills
and
and
thank
you
to
Keenan
as
well.
I
mean
I.
Don't
provide
that
side
by
side
about
you
know
the
different.
You
know
key
developments,
Senate
House
and
White
House
and-
and
you
know
the
similarities
there
too,
so
awesome.
A
B
Well,
from
the
perspective
of
the
house
side,
you
know:
we've
done
our
job,
we
passed
a
bill
that
was
a
bipartisan
bill
and
it's
now
over
in
the
hands
of
the
Senate
Senate
Republicans
and
Senate
Democrats
have
to
I
think
decide
whether
they
want
to
start
with
a
base
bill.
That
actually
has
you
know.
Bipartisan
support
has
gone
through
one
chamber
already
or
if
they
want
to
essentially
start
from
scratch
and
I.
Think
that
you
know
that's
what's
being
debated
actively
at
this
point.
C
C
Of
course,
we
didn't
have
the
same
threshold
that
we
needed
to
actually
move
to
debate,
as
that
was
obstructed
by
the
reality
that
we
did
not
get
enough
Democrats
on
board
to
begin
the
amendment
process,
which
again
Senator
Scott
welcomed,
and
so
you
know
it
is
fantastic
that
we
initially
have
a
couple
members
willing
to
cross
party
lines
to
really
seize
the
moment
and
get
something
done
and
so
I
think.
Our
hope
is
that
we
can
work
out
the
differences
and
hopefully
move
to
a
package.
Much
like
the
first
step
act.
A
Thank
you.
Sorry,
yeah
I
actually
was
wondering
so
you
know.
Do
you
think
you
know,
with
this
window,
coming
back
after
the
July
4th
recess,
whether
there
will
be
like
competing
priorities,
specifically
with
coronavirus
relief
on
the
table
or
on
people's
minds
and
whether
that
would
be
kind
of
a
competing
priority
for
both
senators
and
congressmen,
this
particular
bill
or
amending
existing
bills.
C
Yeah,
absolutely
you
know:
I
won't
speak
for
the
house
side.
Obviously,
I'm
keen
Keenan
can
definitely
do
that.
Leader
McConnell
was
pretty
vocal
about
planning
to
turn
towards
a
face
for
proposal
in
mid
to
late
July
again
last
time.
That
was
a
really
quick
process
right
in
terms
of
moving
phases,
one
and
two
and
even
phase
three.
To
a
large
extent.
C
B
B
B
I
think
part
of
what's
going
on
right
now
is
that
we
have
to
figure
out
what's
actually
coming
out
of
the
White
House
and
react
to
the
de-emphasis
state
funding
and
to
see,
if
we
can,
you
know,
come
up
with
I
think
a
message
that
will
you
know,
balance
the
needs
of
where
we've
established
our
priorities
in
the
house,
and
you
know
get
the
president
to
refocus
on
where
the
country
is.
At
this
moment,
we've
actually
shown
that
we
have
been
able
to.
You
know,
come
it
pretty
quickly.
B
D
Have
a
question
coming
in
here
on
the
penalties
in
in
the
bills,
and
we
we
know
that
the
bridge
AG
funding
is
is
under
fire
if
you
will
for
the
penalty
provisions
of
the
bill.
A
couple
of
things
to
ask
you
about
that.
First
of
all,
is
there
any
discussion
at
all
about
having
the
locals
be
responsible
for
their
own
non-compliance,
as
opposed
to
shouldering
the
states
with
that
responsibility
for
all
local
non-compliance
in
a
jurisdiction?
That's
large,
for
example,
or
stay
a
large
state.
D
It
will
be
deaf
call
for
the
state
to
keep
track
of
every
small
law
enforcement
agency,
especially
if
they
don't
have
a
streamlined
or
uniform
system
and
they're
all
kind
of
disparate
and
separate.
So
have
you
all
talked
about
that
at
all
is
something
that
might
be
revised
if
this
bill
ever
does
you
know
if
it
makes
it
through
when
is
going
to
conference.
B
So
interested
looking
at
the
burg
jag
program,
you're,
looking
at
whether
you're
talking
about
the
formula
grants
or
whether
you're
talking
about
program,
grants
and
I'm,
depending
upon
which
section
you're
actually
talking
about
there's
different,
you
know
conditionality,
that's
placed
on
it.
You
know
we're.
What
we're
trying
to
do
is
where
the
state
has
the
responsibility
for
formula
grants.
They
need
to
actually
have
a
system
of
monitoring
what's
actually
going
on
down
in
their
localities,
where
they're
actually
sending
the
money
around
the
discretionary
grants.
B
C
B
Truth
of
the
matter
about
you
know
both
of
these
bills
is
that
the
federal
government
is
using
indirect
mechanism
to
actually
incentivize
or
disincentivize
behavior,
and
so
whether
the
degree
or
the
extent
to
which
that
is
successful
is
something
that
will
require
a
great
deal
of
diligence
by
the
executive
branch.
After
you
know,
the
passage
of
some
federal
legislation.
D
One
more
question:
I
have
here
and
Emily:
you
alluded
to
it
a
little
bit
and
n
Keenan
you
did
as
well.
Can
you
just
give
us
a
brief
description
of
what
the
major
differences
between
the
two
pieces
of
legislation
the
House
bill
in
the
Senate
bill
are
and
if
there's
any
discussion
of
compromise
on
any
of
those
particular
provisions
at
this
time,
yeah.
C
Absolutely
so
again,
you
know
there's
a
lot
of
areas
of
overlap,
but
even
the
areas
of
a
lot.
There
are
some
key
differences.
So
while
both
bills
do
address
chokeholds,
for
instance,
the
House
bill
goes
farther
and
also
addresses
carotid
restraints,
Senator
Scott
actually
told
Senate
Democrats
that
you
know
absolutely
great
go
ahead
and
offer
an
amendment
and
I'll
support
it,
and
so
those
are
some
obvious
areas
where
you
know
Senator
Scott's
more
than
willing
to
have
a
conversation,
not
just
have
a
conversation,
but
to
agree
on
perfecting
the
bill
and
improving
it.
C
You
know
beyond,
as
it's
currently
written
of
course
beyond
that
you
know.
Even
with
body
cameras,
we
include
a
litany
of
penalties
for
officers
that
turn
off
body,
worn
cameras,
but
again
you
know
the
House
bill,
of
course
touches
on
242,
qualified
immunity,
pattern
or
practice.
You
know
independent
review
through
use
of
force,
investigations,
restrictions
and
military
equipment.
Of
course,
I
won't
pretend
to
speak
unin
and
then,
of
course,
you
know
our
bill
includes.
C
The
two
new
commissions
includes
a
new
crime
for
officers
engaging
in
sex
acts,
as
well
as
false
police
reports
for
penalty
enhancements.
So
again,
you
know
there's
a
lot
of
differences
between
the
penalties,
as
as
you've
also
noticed
in
a
couple
different
places
and
again
you
know,
even
if
you're
looking
at,
for
example,
no-knock
warrants
right.
The
House
bill,
of
course
bans
no-knock
warrants
for
drug
cases
at
the
federal
level
and
creates
an
incentive
for
states
to
do
so.
C
The
Justice
Act
studies
them
before
taking
significant
action
to
change,
long-standing
policies
and
again
you
know,
creating
an
outright
ban
at
the
state
level.
With
respect
to
policing
reforms
is
very
difficult
to
do
again.
There
are
a
number
of
constitutional
limitations
there,
and
so
both
bills
take
that
into
account
by
primarily
incentivizing.
These
changes
through
financial
forces
right
through
the
federal
purse
strings
that
we
have
available
to
incentivize
the
change
that
we
want
to
see.
So
that's
a
reality
that
we
I
think
we
all
have
to
grapple
went
through
this
process.
C
B
B
B
You
know
racial
profiling.
It
does
not
address
qualified
immunity
which
even
Justice
Clarence
Thomas
expressed
skepticism
about
it
does
nothing
with
independent
investigations
of
complaints
around
excessive
force
so
meaning
there.
There
are
no
back-end
provisions.
You
know
in
the
bill
whatsoever.
That
has
been
something
that
has
been
discussed
by
LCC
HR
and
is
one
of
the
primary
reasons
why
they
characterized
taco
as
being
a
sort
of
reform,
light
provision
I'm
glad
to
see
that
he
has
come
to
our
position
with
respect
to
and
cryin
holds.
B
But
again
we
in
the
George
Hoyt
Act
addressed
this
with
great
spouses
with
great
specificity.
We
also
have
added
the
law
enforcement
loophole
bill
to
the
George
Floyd
act,
and
that
was
actually
a
hospital.
Its
inception,
we've
already
passed
lynching
out
of
the
house
and
the
reason
that
that
bill
is
not
gonna
Senate
is
it's
being
blocked
by
Senator
Paul,
so
I
hope
that
Senator
Scott
will
prevail
upon
mine,
his
esteemed
colleague,
and
unblock
that
bill
so
that
it
can
go
to
the
President's
desk.
B
You
know
with
respect
to
the
Commission,
you
know
boys
and
men
Commission
and
the
criminal
justice
reform
commission.
We
think
those
two
are
very
fine
proposals,
but
they
are
outside
the
scope
of
you
know.
Policing
reform
and
you
know
Maus
is
prepared
to
move
those
independently.
What
we're
trying
to
do
with
this
bill
is
stay
focused
on
the
issue
of
policing
reform
and
to
take
some
very
specific,
direct
programmatic
steps.
D
A
Okay,
Thank
You,
Susan
and
yeah.
Thank
you
just
again,
kina
and
Emily
for
that
really
excellent,
in-depth
and
candid
overview.
I
think
it
really
is
helpful
to
our
members
and
to
us
to
hear
your
perspective
on
these
really
critical
issues.
So
as
we're
approaching
the
hour
here,
I
will
just
you
know
as
a
reminder.
A
Note
that
you
know
our
next
police
saying
a
briefing
in
our
last
will
be
on
July
15th
at
3
o'clock
Eastern,
and
we
will
discuss
recent
state
legislative
action
in
this
area
in
policing,
reform
as
well,
and
so
folks
should
tune
in
to
that.
Thank
you
again
to
to
everybody
on
the
line
and
to
our
speakers
and
have
a
great
rest
of
your
day.
Thanks.