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From YouTube: Debate: Scotland’s Role in the Development of Future UK Trade Arrangements - 25 September 2018
Description
Scotland’s Role in the Development of Future UK Trade Arrangements
That the Parliament recognises the importance of international trade to the Scottish economy and the serious impact that future trading arrangements with both the EU and the rest of the world will have on Scotland; notes the publication of Scotland’s Role in the Development of Future UK Trade Arrangements and the intention of the Scottish Government to encourage a wide-ranging and urgent discussion about the best way to protect and enhance the interests of Scotland in the development of future trade deals, and calls on the UK Government to engage with the Scottish Government and the other devolved administrations to deliver a modern, inclusive process drawing on international best practice that ensures the interests and priorities of all parts of the UK are properly represented, protected and promoted.
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A
A
B
B
I
spent
a
large
proportion
of
my
time,
traveling
the
country
listening
to
businesses
and
business
organizations
working
with
them
to
support
their
efforts
and
quisha
exports
and
I
hear
their
concerns
about
breaks
on
a
daily
basis.
Business
is
unable
to
plan
due
to
uncertainty
and
potential
disruption,
the
threat,
arrival,
herds
and
jobs,
the
impact
of
tariff
and
non-tariff
barriers
on
trade
and
on
business's
ability
to
attract
workers
with
the
right
skills.
B
The
rest
stand
about
investment
and
no
guarantees
to
prevent
vital
protections
for
some
of
Scotland's,
most
iconic
products
being
bargained
away
by
a
UK
government
desperate
to
do
a
deal.
These
concerns
are
reflected
in
the
recent
FSB
poll
of
small
businesses,
who
is
found
that
business
confidence
is
decreasing
as
a
threat
of
an
audio
breaks
and
grows.
These
concerns
should
be
the
forefront
of
UK
government
thinking
in
their
exit
planning
and
stay
to
hear.
Uk
ministers
accusing
businesses
of
using
breaks
as
an
excuse-
by
contrast,
the
Scottish
government,
takes
business
seriously.
B
That's
why
we
need
to
address
their
fears
by
ensuring
that
Scotland
has
a
voice
and
a
future
trading
environment.
The
publication
of
our
recent
paper
in
Scotland's
role,
the
development
of
future
UK
trade
arrangements,
forms
an
important
part
of
the
Scottish
Government's
preparation
for
exit
from
the
EU.
It
clearly
makes
the
case
the
region
she
owns.
Economic
and
social
interests
are
protected
and
promoted
that
the
voice
of
Scotland's
consumers,
businesses
and
wider
society
are
helped
under
Scottish
Parliament,
Scottish,
Government
and
others
must
have
a
guaranteed
role
and
formulating
an
agreeing
future
trade
deals.
B
As
members
know,
the
Scottish
come
continues
to
believe
that
the
best
option,
if
the
future
well-being
of
Scotland
and
indeed
of
the
UK
as
a
whole,
is
to
remain
in
the
EU.
That
possession
is
consistent
with
a
well
of
the
people
of
skal
to
voted
overwhelmingly
to
remain,
and
they
did
so
for
powerful
social
and
economic
reasons.
The
benefits
of
video
membership
to
Scotland
are
crystal
clear.
The
EU
is
a
single
market
largest
market
for
Scotland's
international
exports.
B
Sects
of
Scotland's
top
ten
export
destinations
are
in
the
EU,
a
father
to
have
trade
agreements
with
the
EU,
rather
than
choose
to
put
our
faith
and
new
unquantified
trade
deals
which
have
yet
to
be
negotiated.
We
recognize
the
value
of
current
trading
relationships.
That
is
why
we
will
continue
to
take
every
opportunity
to
put
forward
our
best
case
for
remaining
and
the
EU,
the
single
market
and
the
customs
union.
B
The
UK
government's
approach
is
chaotic
and,
as
a
responsible,
his
proposals
no
expose
is
unworkable,
unacceptable
and
heading
towards
a
new
deal-breaker
analysis
after
analysis,
including
that
by
the
UK
government
itself,
shows
that
continued
membership
of
a
European
single
market
and
customs
union
would
be
the
least
damaging
option
for
a
UK
outside
of
the
EU.
Such
membership
would
help
to
promote
businesses,
communities
and
individuals
from
protect
businesses,
committees
and
individuals.
From
some
of
the
inevitable
damage
breaks,
it
will
deliver.
B
Even
the
most
optimistic
estimates
of
potential
gains
from
new
markets
could
not
fully
mitigate
that
damage
yet
remaining
and
the
single
mark
and
customs
union
as
an
option.
The
UK
government
still
refuses
to
consider
presenting
also
the
risks
we
are
facing,
a
lot
of
Scotland's
making,
but
as
a
responsible
government,
we
need
to
make
preparations
for
all
possible
scenarios,
including
leaving
the
EU
single
market
and
customs
union,
make
Russell
Sarah
the
Scottish
Government's
coherent,
consistent
and
collaborative
approach
to
preparing
for
those
scenarios.
B
In
his
recent
statement
to
Parliament
preparations
ranging
from
a
shilling
are
walking
statute
book
after
exit
to
the
practicalities
of
maintenance,
access
to
essential
medicines
and
ensuring
we
have
the
right
staff
in
place
to
meet
the
challenges.
Rex
will
bring
scholars.
Exporters
are
among
our
most
productive
and
innovative
businesses,
Scotland's
trade
and
investment
strategy,
Scotland
said
so.
The
key
actions
and
commitments
we're
not
partners
of
taking
to
boost
the
export
performance
and
attract
and
what
investment
the
measures
were
already
taking
to
improve.
B
Our
trade
performance
are
working
with
scones
exports
growing
faster
than
those
from
the
rest
of
the
UK.
We
have
established
a
trade
board
appointed
trade
invoice
to
champion
export
opportunities
at
home
and
overseas.
We
expanded
our
global
network
of
offices,
double
their
SDI
presence
in
Europe
and
funded
the
establishment
of
local
export
partnerships
across
Scotland.
What
can
the
local
chambers
of
commerce
additional
support
has
been
delivered
that
our
enterprises,
those
agencies,
their
business,
prepare
for
the
future?
C
Off
reason:
I'm
grateful
to
person
for
giving
ways
one
of
the
five
minutes
into
his
speech,
and
we
get
to
hear
very
much
about
the
subject
of
this
debate,
which
is
future
trade
arrangements
being
negotiated
by
the
UK.
So
Connie
tell
us,
is
it
the
position
of
the
Scottish
Government
and
it
believes
that
devolved
ministrations
should
have
a
right
of
veto
over
future
trade
policy?
C
B
But
the
short
answer
is
no,
but
he
will
hear
the
answer
as
a
license
to
the
rest
of
my
contribution
say
no,
if
the
breaks
it
may
not
be
a
choice,
but
we
are
working
with
business
to
give
them
the
tools
to
best
meet
the
challenges
creates
and
we
are
focused
on
a
decision
making
processes
that
should
underpin
how
future
trade
deals
are
made.
These
are
of
profound
consequences
for
our
businesses
and
citizens.
There's
a
purpose
of
a
recently
published
paper,
Scotland's,
roll
and
element
of
future
UK
trade
arrangements.
B
Obviously
the
EU,
the
UK
will
become
a
sub
country.
I
such
it
will
become
responsible
for
negotiating
its
own
international
trade
deals
with
the
EU
and
with
others.
The
UK
will
lose
substantive,
substantial
negotiating
power,
scrutiny
and
expertise,
but
within
the
UK,
the
arrangements
currently
in
place
for
the
development
of
trade
deals
are
already
inadequate
out
of
date
and
a
need
of
an
urgent
and
radical
overhaul
and
affording
so
minimal
my
role
to
the
UK
Parliament,
to
devolved
institutions
and
to
business
and
civic
interests.
B
Existing
arrangement
has
failed
to
keep
pace
with
constitutional
developments
within
the
UK.
That
should
be
changed.
No,
even
if
the
UK
remains
in
the
EU
and
customs
union,
the
UK,
Parliament,
devolved
institutions
and
others
must
have
a
proper
voice
in
the
agreement
of
future
trade
deals.
Current
arrangements
have
also
failed
to
keep
pace
with
global
developments,
including
in
the
nature
of
trade,
deals
themselves.
Elya
trade
deals
focused
on
tariffs
and
quotas.
They
have
a
much
broader
scope,
potentially
affect
an
hour.
Wage
range
of
devolved
and
chests.
B
D
Grateful
to
the
minister
giving
way,
and
and
perhaps
by
way
of
balancing
the
intervention
from
modo
fraser
earlier
now
that
the
minister
is
talking
about
the
potential
impact
on
devolved
areas
of
future
trade
agreements.
Isn't
it
clear
that
this
Parliament
and
other
devolved
jurisdictions
within
these
islands
should
have
the
ultimate
say
on
whether
those
trade
agreements
do
impact
and
curtail
or
constrain
devolved
competences?
D
B
It
Mickey
yes,
indeed.
Mr.
Harley
makes
a
very
strong
point
and
he's
absolutely
correct
that
need
for
change
of
course,
becomes
considerably
more
urgent
and
necessary
of
the
UK
leaves
the
EU
single
market
and
customs
union
Scotland,
as
we
know,
often
has
very
different
trade
priorities
from
other
parts
of
the
UK.
Definite
sectors
are
important
to
Scotland's
economy.
Only
one
of
Scotland's
top
5
EU
export
sectors
appears
in
the
equivalent
UK
list.
Scotland's
key
sectors
need
to
be
protected.
An
inevitable
horse
trading
that
forms
a
part
of
any
trade
negotiations.
B
Scotland
are
specific,
protected
geographical
indications
crucial
to
our
export
performance.
When
UK
government
ministers
are
unable,
even
at
this
early
stage,
to
commit
themselves
to
ensuring
that
protection
remains
and
place
in
future
deals.
Scotland's
businesses
have
a
right
to
be
concerned.
Hobie
trade
tells
us
a
lot
about
who
we
are
as
a
society
and
the
values
we
have
an
approach
to
protecting
our
environment.
Our
public
services
are
what
cause
rights.
Scotland's,
Parliament
and
government
have
consistently
shown
a
different
set
of
priorities
reflecting
weighed
up
Scottish
public
opinion.
B
Every
clearly
be
unacceptable,
for
example,
for
a
UK
government
to
employees.
Trade
deals
or
opened
up
Scotland's
NHS
to
private
competition
or
opened
up
our
markets.
The
chlorine
wash
checking
our
hormone
injected
beef
Scotland's
our
voice
at
the
table
to
ensure
our
priorities
are
not
ignored.
The
development
conduct
and
content
of
future
trade
deals
will
increasingly
have
very
important
implications
for
Scotland
yeah.
The
UK
government
is
making
no
proposals
for
change
to
change
existing
and
of
the
arrangements
that
cannot
be
right
so
far.
The
UK
government's
record
on
this
is
not
a
good
one.
B
Its
approach
to
the
EU
withdraw
like
the
trade
bill
and
then
possession
of
common
frameworks
have
all
demonstrated
their
wellness.
The
cocktail
devolved
powers,
the
UK
calmness,
talked
a
good
game.
I
began
the
devolved
institutions
our
proper
place
and
about
dividing
trade
deals
that
work
for
the
whole
of
the
UK,
but
the
reality
is
somewhat
different
when
put
to
the
test
the
struggle
to
treat
Scotland
and
other
violations
as
anything
more
than
our
own
sexual
interests
base.
We
are
merely
offered
the
chance
to
comment
and
already
well-developed
proposals.
B
Decision-Making
process
must
recognize
respect
and
protect
the
economic
and
social
interests
of
all
four
nations
of
the
UK.
Since
croelick
Scotland's
voice
has
held
and
respected
and
to
protect
and
promote
the
interests
and
ambitions
of
our
businesses
and
citizens,
the
Scottish,
Government
and
Scottish
Parliament
must
have
a
guaranteed
role
at
all
stages
of
the
formulation,
negotiation
agreement
and
implementation
of
future
trade
deals.
Indeed,
Dean.
B
Ivan
McKee,
yes,
because
it's
our
object
of
a
different
trade,
a
different
policy
from
that
of
the
rest
of
the
UK
with
regard
to
the
Europe,
but
that
does
not
mean
that
they
bought
the
blue
member
say
it
would
fall
into
place.
Absolutely
not.
Our
paper
states
are
in
great
detail
what
that
involvement
may
look
like
also-
and
this
is
crucial-
proposes
the
establishment
and
stature
of
a
new
entered
governmental
committee
to
considering
agree
a
range
of
trade
ashes.
B
That
approach
would
be
in
everyone's
interest
domestic
little
insuring
ago,
she
Asians
have
conducted
based
on
a
full
understanding
of
the
ashes
and
way
that
I
filled.
It
will
provide
reassurance
to
the
UK's
current
and
future
negotiating
partners
that,
as
a
consensus
across
the
UK
for
potentially
difficult
and
lengthy
trade
negotiations,
that
once
agreements
are
stuck
davell
and
gia
scholars
voice
to
be
constructive
parts
of
the
other
nations
of
the
UK
and
a
fair
trading
partner
to
countries
around
the
world.
The
the
benefits
are
more
inclusive
approach.
B
The
development
of
trading
arrangements
are
widely
recognized
and
welcomed
international.
The
EU
demonstrates
the
value
places
on
such
an
approach
by
ensuring
that
representatives
from
the
Canadian
provinces
were
fully
involved
in
the
CETA
negotiations,
but
where
we
can
learn
much
from
those
examples
is
circumstances
faced
in
the
UK
are
unique,
and
so
must
the
response.
I
want
to
finish
today
by
emphasizing
the
earth
paper
on
Scotland's
role
in
the
development
of
future
trade
arrangements.
She
thought
no
discussion
recognising
that
others,
including
this
Parliament,
must
have
their
say.
A
F
You
for
setting
off
sir,
as
members
will
know,
I
didn't
vote
for
brexit,
but
I
did
think
about
it
and,
while
I
did
not
agree
with
everything
and
I
still
don't
agree
with
everything
that
the
brexit
he
has
said
in
their
referendum
campaign,
they
did
have
some
powerful
arguments
on
their
side
to
reduce
the
influence
in
the
UK's
legal
systems
of
the
European
Court
of
Justice
is
one
of
the
welcomed
opportunities
that
brexit
should
deliver.
Another
is
to
allow
us
to
take
back
control.
As
the
slogan
has
it
of
our
international
trading
links.
F
Britain
is,
and
always
has
been,
a
trading
nation.
Our
economic
prosperity
as
a
nation
is
rooted
in
trade
in
the
modern
economy
in
services
as
well
as
in
goods.
The
UK
has
a
long
and
proud
history,
not
only
as
a
trading
nation,
but
as
a
global
champion
of
free
trade.
Why?
Not
only
because
it
benefits
the
UK
economy,
but
because
it
delivers
benefits
for
businesses,
for
workers
and
for
consumers
alike.
Trade
is
a
key
driver
of
growth
and
prosperity.
F
It
is
linked
directly
to
jobs.
Free
trade
leads
to
higher
wages,
economic
growth,
business
efficiency,
higher
productivity,
knowledge
exchange
and
innovation
across
the
globe
and,
at
the
same
time,
free
trade
ensures
that
more
people
can
access
a
wider
choice
of
goods
at
lower
cost.
Making
household
incomes
go
further,
especially
for
the
poorest
in
society.
F
The
finance
and
constitution
committee
taking
evidence
on
the
UK's
trade
bill
has
heard
from
a
number
of
individuals
and
organizations
that
international
free
trade
is
a
threat,
not
a
route
map
from
poverty
to
prosperity
and
that
it
should
be
resisted
not
welcomed
in
one
minute,
and
that
theme
was
echoed
I
thought
in
Patrick
Carvey's
amendment
for
today,
albeit
that
that
amendment
was
not
selected
for
debate.
There
are
members
of
this
Parliament
presiding
officer
who
don't
believe
in
growth
and
who
would
seek
to
resist
the
role
of
free
trade
in
delivering
it.
B
F
It
has
always
been
our
firm
belief
and
it
continues
to
be
on
these
benches,
our
firm
belief
that
brexit
can
and
must
be
delivered
compatibly
with
the
United
Kingdom's
devolution
arrangements,
and
this
means
respecting
what
is
properly
devolved
to
us.
But
it
also
means
respecting
what
is
reserved
to
Westminster
under
Schedule
v
to
the
Scotland
Act
international
relations,
including
relations
with
the
European
Union,
and
the
regulation
of
international
trade,
are
all
expressly
reserved
to
Westminster.
These
are
matters
presiding
officer
not
for
us,
but
for
our
parliamentary
colleagues
in
the
House
of
Commons.
F
They
are
matters
in
respect
of
which
Scotland
is,
of
course,
fully
represented,
but
not
by
the
Scottish
government,
but
by
the
59
MPs
Scotland
elects
at
every
general
election
to
serve
in
the
House
of
Commons.
Respecting
all
this
is
part
of
what
respecting
devolution
means
and
if
this
constitutional
reality
had
been
the
foundation
on
which
the
Scottish
Government's
paper,
Scotland's
role
in
the
development
of
future
UK
trade
agreements
had
been
based.
F
That
paper
would
have
commanded
far
greater
support
not
only
across
the
political
parties
here,
but
in
Westminster
and
Whitehall
I
fear
I,
don't
time,
I'm,
sorry,
mr.
Scott,
but
this
is
that
paper.
This
is
the
paper
of
course,
of
an
SNP
government.
So,
of
course
it
doesn't
respect
the
boundaries
of
devolved
competence
at
all,
rather
than
being
based
on
the
division
of
powers
and
responsibilities
set
out
in
the
Scotland
Act
1998.
It
takes
a
wrecking
ball
to
the
Scotland
Act,
for
example.
F
On
page
5
of
the
document
we
read
this
and
I
quote
the
conduct
and
content
of
future
trade
policy
negotiations
and
agreements
have
very
important
implications
to
Scotland,
and
it
is
vital
that
the
Scottish
Government
is
fully
involved
in
the
process
for
determining
them.
That's
a
nationalist
power
grab,
presiding
officer,
asserting
as
it
does
that
the
Scottish
government
must
be
fully
involved
in
the
processes
for
determining
policy
that
is
expressly
reserved
to
Westminster.
Worse,
not
merely
content.
F
With
trampling
all
over
reserve
competence,
the
SNP
are
demanding
a
series
of
five
vetoes
over
the
exercise
by
UK
ministers
of
their
powers
according
according
to
this
document.
No,
no,
let
me
make
the
point.
According
to
this
document,
the
agreement
of
the
Scottish
Government
should
be
required,
not
merely
sought
but
required.
That's
what
a
veto
is
mr.
Russell
before
any
proposed
trade
deal
is
prepared,
negotiated,
ratified
or
signed.
F
Now
the
Scottish
government's
motion
for
today
calls
on
the
Parliament
to
support
the
idea
that
we
should
support
international
best
practice
in
the
negotiation
of
trade
deals,
but
what
the
Scottish
Government
proposed
in
this
wreckingball
of
a
paper
goes
significantly
further
than
international
best
practice,
even
in
a
mature
federal
jurisdictions
such
as
Canada
in
Canada.
The
provinces
are
consulted
about
by
the
federal
government
about
the
federal
competence
of
international
trade
and
international
relations.
The
Fed
Bay
provinces
are
consulted.
They
don't
have
a
veto.
G
F
Is
not
even
devolved
because
I
think
officer,
we
agree
with
the
Scottish
government
that
international
best
should
be
observed
as
the
United
Kingdom
unfolds,
its
future
trade
partnerships
and
negotiations,
but
international
best
practiced
is
not
understood
by
the
Scottish
government.
Indeed,
in
their
paper,
it
has
been
misrepresented
by
the
Scottish
government.
International
vest
practice
has
been
articulated
recently
to
the
Finance
Committee
of
this
Parliament
by
UK
government
ministers,
such
as
the
Minister
for
trade
George,
Colin
Barry,
who
said
this
and
I
quote:
I
confirm
that
it
is.
F
The
department's
clears
the
Department
of
international
trades,
clear
intent
and
desire
to
take
the
concerns
of
the
Scottish
government
and
the
other
devolved
authorities
about
their
trade
policy
extremely
seriously.
These
are,
he
said,
very
important
industries.
There
are,
he
said,
very
important
industries
in
Scotland
and
very
important
issues
to
consider-
and
we
he
said,
will
continue
the
contacts
at
official
level
at
as
deep
a
level
and
for
as
long
a
time
as
we
can
so
that
we
can
shape
our
overall
trade
policy,
such
as
it
reflects
the
interests
of
the
devolved
authorities.
F
That's
exactly
what
international
best
practice
requires.
It's
exactly
what
the
United
Kingdom
government
has
agreed
to,
and
it's
exactly
presiding
officer.
I
close
with
this
remark.
It's
exactly
what
our
amendment
today's
motion
calls
for.
The
international
trade
will
require
effective
and
extensive
collaborative
working
between
all
Parliament's
and
assemblies
and
governments
in
the
IT
Kingdom.
The
UK
government's
already
signed
up
to
that
it
would
be
it'd,
be
nice
if
the
Scottish
government
could
as
well
I
move
the
amendment
in
my
name,
I.
H
Officer
the
only
word
to
describe
current
brexit
negotiations
is
shambolic.
I
am
perhaps
being
too
kind.
We
are
witnessing
a
prime
minister
who
is
out
of
her
depth
in
negotiations
with
the
EU.
Her
checkers
proposals
lies
in
tatters.
The
prospect
of
No
Deal
becomes
increasingly
a
reality,
and
her
Tory
cabinet
are
more
interested
in
fighting
amongst
themselves
than
in
getting
the
best
possible
outcome
for
the
country.
Now.
The
chaos
and
uncertainty
is
bad
for
business.
H
It's
bad
for
the
economy
and
it's
bad
for
the
people
of
this
country,
and
you
know
with
six
months
to
go.
It
doesn't
look
like
it's
getting
any
better
that
chaos
and
uncertainty
has
manifested
itself
in
the
latest
business
confidence
figures,
publish
by
the
FSB
and
referred
to
by
the
Minister
excuse.
A
H
Suspect
his
mustering
is
better
than
his
Beach
presiding
officer
in
the
third
quarter
of
2018
business
confidence
has
fallen
in
Scotland
and
in
the
UK
in
Scotland,
it's
down
from
plus
five
point
one
to
minus
thirteen
point
two
most,
if
not
all,
of
it
down
to
brexit
itself
and
when
people
here
the
government
are
planning
to
stockpile
medicines
and
foodstuffs.
They
begin
to
understand
the
severity
of
the
consequences.
H
Of
course,
none
of
those
consequences
were
ever
spelled
out
as
slogans
on
the
side
of
a
bus,
so
we
need
to
avoid
rushing
headlong
into
a
disaster
for
our
economy
and
for
jobs
and
one
of
the
essential
pieces
of
legislation
to
try
and
avoid
this
is,
of
course,
the
trade
bill.
Let
me
say
at
the
outset
that
the
Scottish
Labour
Party
is
pro
trade
and
pro
investment.
H
We
want
to
see
the
Scottish
economy
flourish
and
grow,
and
that
means
support
for
exporting
support
for
inward
investment
to
create
jobs
and
economic
growth,
and
we
know
that
trade
is
fundamental
to
economic
growth.
An
outward-looking
economy
will
lead
to
future
prosperity,
but
we
really
need
to
do
better
now,
never
mind
in
the
future.
Only
something
like
70
companies
account
for
about
50%
of
our
exporting
and
that's
simply
not
good
enough.
Economists
tell
us
that
we
do
the
most
trade
with
our
nearest
neighbors
and
we
do
some
12
billion
pounds
of
trade
with
the
EU.
H
We
need
to
deepen
and
broaden
that
activity,
so
the
trade
bill
should
provide
the
framework
for
how
we
do
trade
deals
in
the
future.
A
strong
economy,
post
brexit
will
depend
on
us
having
a
robust
and
progressive
trade
policy
that
actually
reflects
the
interest
of
the
devolved
administration's,
as
well
as
the
UK
government,
but
unfortunately,
the
trade
bill
falls
short
on
that
ambition.
There
are
two
main
issues:
I
want
to
touch
on
presiding
officer.
The
first
relates
to
openness
and
engagement.
H
What
the
UK
government
is
proposing
is
akin
to
doing
deals
behind
closed
doors
now
in
Scotland.
Indeed,
across
the
UK
have
a
wealth
of
talent
and
experience
in
NGOs,
in
trade
unions
and
in
business.
They
should
be
central
and
involved
in
this
and,
if
we're
being
brutally
honest,
there
is
little
capacity
and
experience
in
Whitehall
to
negotiate
trade
deals
because
we
haven't
had
to
do
it
for
40
years.
Let's
look
at
what
CBI
Scotland
had
to
say.
H
They
called
for
the
setting
up
of
the
formalized
engagement
architecture
for
the
UK
that
uses
trade,
expertise
from
Scotland
and
across
the
UK,
especially
from
the
private
sector.
I,
see
nothing
like
that
proposed
in
the
trade
bill.
The
second
substantial
issue
is
about
the
impact
on
devolved
competence.
It
doesn't
really
help
and
Azen
Tompkins
will
understand
this.
H
As
a
constitutional
lawyer
that
the
trade
bill,
an
EU
withdrawal
bill,
deviates
from
the
Scotland
Act
of
1998
in
the
definition
of
devolved
competence
that
creates
confusion
and
uncertainty
and
perhaps
more
work
for
lawyers,
but
whilst
competence
for
international
trade
agreements
does
rest
with
the
UK
government,
I
think
we
all
can
agree
that
the
complexity
and
extent
of
modern
agreements
means
that
they
will
directly
impact
on
devolved
competence.
There
are
some
examples
that
we've
all
shared
food
standards:
animal
welfare
standards,
access
to
fishing
waters,
regulatory
and
oversight
bodies.
H
The
list
goes
on
is
essential
and
right
that
devolved
Parliament's
are
consulted
and
that
consent
is
sought.
The
Tory
government
has
singularly
failed
to
make
clear
that
its
powers
do
not
allow
for
ministerial
overreach
and
that
UK
ministers
cannot
amend
laws
that
are
a
matter
of
devolved
competence
without
consent.
H
Instead,
what
we
see
a
sweeping
Henry,
the
eighth's
powers
and
I
know
the
SNP
like
those
as
well
to
modify
primary
legislation
and
I'm
very
clear
that
the
Tory
government
shouldn't
be
allowed
to
ride
roughshod
over
devolved
areas
of
responsibility
and
use
their
powers
to
undermine
the
devolution
settlement.
That
said,
I
do
not
expect
the
Scottish
government
to
have
a
right
of
veto
either
the
business
community.
The
whole
of
the
country
expect
joint
working
consultation,
yes,
robust
debate
and
discussions
before
and
during
the
process.
H
They
want
us
to
come
to
agreements
about
what's
in
the
interest
of
Scotland
and
the
whole
of
the
United
Kingdom,
and
to
do
that,
we
need
government
machinery,
perhaps
a
more
robust
version
of
the
joint
Ministerial
Committee,
where
agreement
can
be
reached
in
the
interests
of
the
whole
country
and
unless,
unless
there
is
formal
and
agreed
machinery,
a
statutory
role
for
the
Scottish
Parliament
and
government
in
the
UK
trade
bill,
we
will
not
agree
to
legislative
consent.
I.
D
You
presiding
officer,
well,
three
speeches,
n
and
I've
already
heard
something
from
everybody
that
I
can
agree
with
Jackie
Bailey's,
excoriating
demolition
of
the
chaos.
A
brexit
could
not
be
more
accurate
that
the
Minister
very
clearly
making
the
case
why
they
devolved
countries
of
these
islands
do
need
a
meaningful
input
into
future
trade
agreements.
I
couldn't
agree
worth
more
and
an
atom
to
Thompkins
very
clearly
expressed
his
regret.
That
Parliament
doesn't
today
have
the
opportunity
to
debate
my
excellently
worded
and
amendment
and
I
of
course
agree
with
him
on
that
look.
D
We
of
course,
have
political
and
ideological
differences
from
left
to
right
of
the
spectrum
and
for
a
more
or
less
concerned
attitude
on
environmental
and
green
issues.
There
are
differences
in
the
consequent
trade
policies
that
we
would
like
to
pursue.
There
are
those
who
have
a
free-trade
mantra
who
assumed
that
free
trade
is
always
a
good
thing
in
every
aspect
and
just
as
greens
often
criticize
a
single-minded
and
a
myopic
obsession
with
GDP
growth,
which
measures
only
one
thing
and
tells
you
nothing
about
the
diversity
of
the
impact
that
economic
activity
is
happening.
D
We
so
critique
the
idea
that
simply
ever-growing
volumes
of
ever
freer
trade
are
an
objective
good.
There
will
be
benefits
that
come
from
that
activity,
but
there
will
also
be
harms
social
and
economic
harms
that
come
from
that
activity,
and
so
we
would
like
a
trade
policy
which
recognizes
our
responsibility.
It's
not
merely
to
achieve
short-term
economic
benefit
for
our
own
citizens
or
fair
share
of
those
benefits
within
the
different
countries
of
these
islands.
D
But
we
would
like
a
trade
policy
which
recognizes
a
mutual
interest
of
the
people
around
the
world
and
the
need
to
live
within
the
limits
that
our
ecosystem
lays
down.
For
us,
that
might
mean
increasing
the
value
of
trade
rather
than
the
volume
of
trade.
It
might
mean
trading
different
things
that
we've
traded
in
the
past.
It
certainly
means
recognizing
the
importance
of
trade
justice,
rather
than
merely
the
opportunity
of
those
pursuing
trade
opportunities
to
benefit
their
own
businesses.
D
The
need
to
achieve
trade
justice
is
one
which
is
about
the
relationship
with
those
we're
trading
with
not
merely
the
interests
of
those
in
this
country
who
wish
to
increase
their
exports.
So
there
is
this
range
of
philosophical,
political
and
ideological
objectives
when
we
debate
trade
and
and
the
future
of
trade
within
our
economy,
and
that
difference
of
views
is
exactly
why
the
process
of
agreeing
trading
Arrangements
needs
to
be
transparent
and
democratically
accountable.
D
I
would
like
to
make
a
contrast,
not
with
whether
we
decide
these
things
in
a
multilateral
basis
in
future,
within
these
islands
or
merely
within
the
UK.
Let's
contrast
it
with
the
way
these
things
are
decided
at
EU
level,
and
there
are
those
who
are
implacably
hostile
to
everything.
The
European
Union
represents
I,
don't
think
they're
the
majority
here,
but
when
TTIP,
the
transatlantic
trade
and
investment
partnership
was
being
debated
at
European
Union
level
and
when
Member
States,
including
the
UK,
were
supporting
TTIP.
D
A
great
wave
of
Sam
grew
up
across
the
European
Union
in
this
country
and
in
many
other
countries
about
the
impact
of
TTIP,
but
the
lack
of
accountability
in
some
of
the
legal
decisions
that
would
be
made
with
panels
of
corporate
lawyers,
essentially
deciding
behind
closed
doors.
Any
dispute
resolution
mechanisms
and
the
need
was
brought
to
to
have
these
ideas
challenged.
The
European
Parliament
was
able
to
do
that.
D
People
were
able
to
campaign,
take
their
concerns
to
their
political
parties,
to
their
domestic
representatives
home
and
to
their
MEP
s,
and
the
European
Parliament
won
the
case
on
behalf
of
the
public
interest.
On
that
occasion
it
doesn't
always
happen.
Of
course,
it
doesn't
always
happen
that
that
kind
of
public
concern
Wednes
out,
but
it
was
at
least
a
possibility.
D
The
UK
government's
initial
proposals
for
the
trade
bill
had
an
absolute
absence
of
those
kind
of
democratic
accountability
mechanisms
in
their
proposals,
and
they
have
changed
little.
They
have
certainly
not
changed
enough
now,
of
course,
Adam
Tompkins
and
others
may
make
the
case.
Trade
policy
is
a
reserved
matter.
Trade
policy
is
a
reserved
matter,
end
of
story.
D
That
is
not
the
end
of
the
story.
The
making
of
trade
agreements
may
well
be
a
reserved
matter,
but
the
content
of
them
steps
very
heavily
on
two
devolved
areas
of
responsibility,
and
that's
why
we
have
a
need,
as
I,
think
Jackie
Bailey
ended
by
saying
not
only
ensuring
that
there
is
dialogue
between
governments
but
formalizing
the
mechanism,
so
that
Parliament's
as
well
are
able
to
hold
the
decisions.
Governments
plural
make
on
these
matters,
and
that
has
to
mean
not
just
the
Westminster
Parliament,
but
all
Parliament's
and
assemblies
throughout
these
islands.
D
I'll
finish
presiding
officer
just
by
flagging
up
quite
what
some
of
the
ardent
brexit
ears
are
looking
to
do
in
preparing
for
the
visit
of
less
trust,
the
chief
secretary
to
the
Treasury
to
the
finance
and
constitution
committee.
This
week,
I
was
reading
a
speech
he
made
at
the
far-right
libertarian
Cato
Institute.
Recent
I
had
to
talk
back
my
incredulity
at
some
of
this
absurd
speech,
the
Cato
Institute,
which
is
deeply
implicated
with
those
who've
made
a
killing
by
checking
off
the
climate
denial
industry.
Who've
argued
against
sensible
environmental
measures
to
protect
the
public
interest.
D
The
kind
of
free-market
ideologues
who
genuinely
want
a
ripping
up
of
regulations
and
less
trust.
His
speech
on
this
complaining
about
a
thicket
of
regulations
to
protect
people
is
absolutely
dire.
Warning
of
what
some
of
these
people
wish
to
do.
If
we
do
not
have
an
accountable
and
democratic
means
of
achieving
debate
on
trade
policy
and
future
I.
I
I
So
if
you
are
exporting
fish
from
lyrick
or
from
Mike
Russell's
constituency
on
the
west
coast
of
Scotland,
if
you're
one
of
those
businesses,
you
have
not
a
scooby-doo
as
to
what
will
happen
next
March
and
the
vision
of
the
m25,
the
whole
of
Kent
becoming
a
lorry
park,
looks
more
and
more
serious.
So
I
would
ask
our
government
here
in
Scotland,
to
spend
some
considerable
time
planning
what
the
Scottish
response
would
be
to
those
eventualities.
It's
all
very
well
producing
positive
papers
on
a
trade
bill.
There's
come
on
to
that.
I
The
second
point
I
want
to
make
is
on
into
government
or
machinery
is
a
topic
that
a
number
of
our
sundar
Brewster
offers
chairmanship
in
your
previous
plan
had
spent
all
too
much
time
on
and
there's
nothing
much
in
here
on
that
and
I'd
encourage
the
government
to
do
rather
more
or
on
that,
because
what
this
document
doesn't
include
is
anything
on
any
kind
of
dispute
resolution
mechanism.
That's
what
does
happen
in
most
international
countries,
in
federal
structures
or
in
quasi
federal
structures.
It's
the
advice
that
the
that
the
constitutional
committee
under
mr.
I
Crawford's
chairmanship
took
over
many
week
in
the
last
Parliament
and
I
think
it's.
The
crux
of
this
issue
had
our
motion
being
our
amendment
being
selected
today
by
the
PIO
out
of
talk
to
that
in
more
depth.
But
it
just
seems
to
me
that
any
normal
functioning
country-
and
we
are
not
that
at
the
moment-
I
fully
grant
you
that,
but
any
normal
functioning
country
looks
closely
at
the
mechanisms
and
constantly
refines
them.
Yes,
of
course,
into
how
governments
in
the
different
parts
of
this,
the
UK
can
work
on
that.
I
It's
not
about
vetoes,
it's
about
dispute
resolution,
and
that
is
the
experience
of
international
affairs.
The
Canadian
example
is
clear
on
that
in
relation
to
the
rules
rule
other
provinces
and
the
way
in
which
the
federal
structure
ultimately
decides
policy,
and
that
is
the
bit
that
I
wish
government
take.
It
would
take
away
from
this
debate
today
in
the
area
of
intergovernmental
machinery.
A
J
In
the
face
of
this
evidence,
and
the
rhetoric
from
the
Prime
Minister
is
anyone
that
notion
of
a
new
deal,
I
accept
from
the
EU
is
causing
huge
concern.
The
current
political
impasse
could
easily
lead
us
to
feel
deeply
pessimistic
about
Scotland's
future
relationship
with
the
rest
of
the
world
and
I
concede
to
having
moments
of
great
despondency
over
the
future.
J
We
face
no
not
for
myself,
but
for
my
children
and
my
grandchildren
just
too
how
do
I
go
about
explaining
to
my
grandchildren
when
they're
old
enough
to
comprehend
why
the
UK
chose
to
turn
this
back
and
an
organization
brought
into
being
to
avoid
future
conflict
and
war
in
Europe.
There
are
a
few
of
these
moments
of
despondency
during
the
France
and
constitution
committee
to
visit
to
Brussels
last
week
for
one
a
move
on
from
that
shortly.
J
But
technically
so
when
some
Varian
elected
members
we
met
but
also
deeply
concerned
an
equally
emotional
about
the
prospects
of
the
UK
leaving
the
EU
was
taking
the
remainder.
For
me,
there
are
many
millions
of
people
across
the
European
Union
who
will
feel
a
deep
sense
of
loss
if
the
UK
departs
just
as
keenly
as
many
of
us
were,
but
it
was
also
during
the
same
visit.
J
J
We
need
to
change
we
to
have
a
different
dialogue
to
build
trust
and
create
a
framework
within
these
islands
on
who
will
do
positively
with
matters
of
trade
in
future,
and
it's
an
S,
late
I
would
sincerely
ask
opposition
members
to
view
the
contribution
of
the
Scottish
Government's
discussion
paper
published
over
the
summer
on
Scotland's
role
in
future
trading
arrangements.
The
people
describes
for
more
that
enables
sub-state
of
a
role
and
the
development
negotiation
ratification
of
trading
treaties,
including
international
trade,
deals
right
way.
J
The
Scottish
Government
has
indicated,
though,
no
preference
for
one
model
giving
all
parties
an
opportunity
with
an
interest
in
this
debate
to
discuss
what
was
right
for
Scotland,
whatever
your
viewers,
it's
time
to
begin
a
real
debate
and
how
Scotland
can
be
best
involved
in
giving
us
the
tools
to
make
better
decisions
for
the
Scottish
economy.
For
my
part,
I
learned
a
huge
amount
from
the
representatives
of
Germany
Switzerland,
Norway
and
Canada
during
the
committee's
visit
to
Brussels
about
how
to
create
more
positive
and
sustainable
working
relationships
and
I'm.
Sure.
J
My
colleagues
who
took
part
in
the
visit
we
testify
to
the
same
positive
experience.
Interestingly
in
Canada,
yes,
that
the
states
are
involved
in
slowly.
The
provinces
are
involved
international
trade
negotiations,
but
they've
got
an
opt-in
process
in
Canada
for
the
provinces
there,
which
is
a
different
prospect
to
any
imposition.
J
The
most
significant
lesson
for
me,
though,
was
a
common
theme
across
all
countries
was
the
sheer
level
of
deep
engagement
of
sub
states
and
regions
and
the
development
of
a
state
governments
position
it's
clear
the
early
and
continual
engagement
and
participation
and
the
development
of
a
state's
position
was
a
prerequisite
to
avoiding
conflict
and
the
need
for
the
dispute
resolution
mechanisms.
The
Tavistock
rightly
touched
the
point.
J
Yes,
that
inevitably
means
investing
more
time
in
discussion
and
exploring
the
areas
for
potential
consensus,
but
consensus
and
an
agreed
way
forward
was
the
normal
outcome,
avoiding
the
need
to
be
involved
in
time
consuming
and
costly
dispute
mechanisms,
or
indeed,
court
proceedings.
The
fact
that
the
structures
for
seeking
agreement
were
normally
formerly
down
and
statute,
recognizing
the
distinctive
role
and
responsibilities
of
the
state
and
sub
state
have
no
no
doubt
added
to
obtaining
successfully.
J
But
the
imposition
of
the
state's
position
on
sub
states
was
glaringly
missing
from
these
arrangements.
Such
was
the
confidence
and
trust
created
through
regular
meetings
and
discussion
that
in
some
cases,
the
sub
states
were
involved
in
the
actual
negotiations
themselves,
either
leading
or
taking
part
as
observers
now,
obviously
I
passionately
believe
and
Scotland
being
responsible
for
our
own
decisions.
As
an
independent
country,
others
will
see
devolution
needing
to
be
enhanced,
giving
Scotland
a
much
greater
role
in
trade
arrangements
or
some
of
it
content
to
accept
the
simple
status
quo.
J
But
whatever
the
shape
of
Scotland's
future
constitutional
arrangements
are.
We
need
to
press
the
reset
button
on
the
relationship
with
the
rest
of
the
UK,
and
we
can
begin
that
journey
today
by
being
time
to
engage
an
appositive
debate
about
building
a
new
landscape
for
future
relations,
to
enable
mutual
respect
and
Trust
to
be
built,
because
that
will
be
absolutely
crucial
for
the
future.
We
ought
to
future
generations
my
grandchildren
and
everybody
else's
grandchildren
to
at
least
try
Thank,
You,
presiding
officer.
C
You,
deputy
presiding
officer,
the
starting
point
for
this
debate
on
trade
is
that
we
are
in
new
territory.
As
far
as
the
negotiation
of
future
trade
deals
is
concerned.
For
more
than
40
years.
As
a
member
of
the
EU,
we
have
had
no
capacity
to
negotiate
separate
trade
deals
as
the
UK
as
we
leave
the
EU
that
new
possibility
comes
into
place
and
it
gives
far
greater
opportunity
for
Scotland
for
the
people
of
Scotland,
for
this
Parliament
to
be
involved
in
the
negotiation
process
than
was
ever
the
case.
C
C
The
interest
of
Scottish
manufacturers
will
be
the
same
as
the
manufacturers
in
other
parts
of
the
UK
like
the
Midlands
and
the
Atrix
I
will
in
a
second
and
the
interests
of
exporters,
whether
they're,
a
food
and
drink
or
anything
else
in
Scotland
will
be
very
similar
to
the
interests
of
exporters
in
Wales
or
Northern
Ireland.
A
good
way
to
mr.
Mason
John.
K
C
Your
size
matters
mr.
Mason
I,
think
what's
more
important
is
the
fact
that
you
have
a
government,
that's
aware
of
the
importance
of
trade
and
is
aware
that
there
are
sexual
interests
reflected
across
the
whole
United
Kingdom,
regardless
of
size
which
do
you
have
to
have
their
interest
protected
and
I.
C
Think
that's
exactly
the
approach
the
UK
government
is
going
to
take,
and
it's
also
worth
making
the
point
that
we
have
a
closely
aligned
economy
in
Scotland
with
the
rest
of
the
UK
and
that
the
UK's
domestic
market
accounts
for
61
percent
of
Scottish
exports,
and
nothing
should
be
done.
That
disrupts
that
internal
market
place
now
different
countries
approach
negotiations
to
trade
in
different
ways
according
to
their
constitutional
arrangements.
C
Bruce
crawford
has
just
mentioned
last
week's
visit
to
Brussels
with
the
finance
and
constitution
committee
members
who
met
the
norway
representatives
heard
that
the
NGO
station
of
trade
is
a
matter
for
the
norwegian
government
as
part
of
after,
and
there
is
no
direct
regional
input
into
that
process.
But
the
Norwegian
Parliament
has
a
vote
on
whether
to
ratify
any
trade
agreement.
We
also
heard
from
the
German
lander,
though,
whilst
they
have
a
consultative
role
in
trade
policy.
C
Ultimately,
this
is
a
federal
matter
and
it
is
a
federal
government
in
Germany
that
takes
the
final
decisions
and,
as
Adam
Tompkins
has
said
well,
I
know
I
need
to
make
some
progress.
Forgive
me
mr.
mr.
Crawford,
in
terms
of
our
devolution
settlement
in
the
UK,
it
is
quite
clear.
This
is
a
reserved
matter.
Well,
that
does
not
mean
there
should
not
be
consultation
with
the
devolved
administration's
as
the
Minister
of
State
for
trade
policy.
George
hauling
Bri
said
when
he
came
to
the
finance
and
constitution
committee
on
the
5th
of
September.
C
The
UK
government
is
committed
to
engaging
with
the
Scottish
government
and
it
will
listen
to
what
both
it
and
the
other
devolved
authorities
have
to
say
about
trade
policy
extremely
seriously.
His
stated
aim
was,
and
I
quote
so
that
we
can
shape
our
overall
trade
policy
such
that
it
reflects
the
interests
of
the
devolved
authorities.
C
Now
there
are,
of
course,
two
ways
in
which
the
Scottish
interest
and
future
trade
policy
can
be
represented.
Firstly,
we
have
Scottish
members
of
parliament
in
Westminster,
fully
engaged
in
the
process.
They
have
a
direct
route
into
the
UK
government
and
ultimately
it
will
be
the
Westminster
Parliament,
but
has
to
ratify
any
trade
deal
that
is
agreed.
Secondly,
as
we've
heard,
there
will
be
consultation
with
this
Parliament
and
the
Scottish
government
in
relation
to
trade
policy.
C
But
what,
however,
is
clear
from
the
UK
government's
approach
is
that
while
there
will
be
a
consultative
role
for
the
Scottish
Parliament
and
the
Scottish
Government
and
with
other
devolved
administration's,
what
there
will
not
be
is
a
right
of
veto
over
a
trade
policy,
because
that
would
not
be
in
line
with
our
constitutional
settlement.
I
would
not
be
respecting
the
devolution
process
and
consultation
should
not
stop
at
a
government
or
parliamentary
level.
We
have
to
consider
the
interests
of
business,
particularly
those
of
exporters
who
want
to
see
frictionless
trade
across
the
world.
C
C
Thank
you,
Thank
You,
deputy
presiding
officer.
So
often
the
negotiation
of
international
trade
is
a
great
opportunity
for
both
the
UK
and
Scottish
economies,
giving
any
evidence
to
the
House
of
Commons
scholarship
fairs
committee
on
the
10th
of
September
James
withers
chief
executive
of
Scotland
Food
&
Drink,
said
trade
outside
the
EU
is
a
game-changing
opportunity
for
international
exports.
Similar
views
have
been
expressed
by
the
Scotch
whisky.
Association
are
the
whole
range
of
other
sectoral
interests.
C
L
Parliament
published
a
report
on
determining
Scotland's
future
relationship
with
the
European
Union.
What
strikes
me
listening
to
the
contributions
today
is
how
little
progress
has
been
made.
Since
our
report
warned
about
Scotland's
vulnerability
in
post
breaks
that
trade
policy,
the
committee
explored
future
trading
relationships
as
part
of
this
inquiry,
taking
into
consideration
written
evidence
from
more
than
150
different
organisations
and
individuals,
as
well
as
oral
evidence
from
key
stakeholders
and
expert
witnesses.
L
The
committee
spent
time
examining
the
Canadian
approach
where
every
single
province
sat
round
the
table
to
negotiate
the
seat
agreement
with
the
EU,
and
we
heard
from
Christos
Syros
the
agent
General
of
the
Quebec
government's
office
in
London,
who
told
us
that,
even
before
the
negotiations
with
the
EU
on
cita,
there
has
been
an
ongoing
permanent
mechanism
called
C
commerce,
Canada
commerce.
The
brings
together
officials
from
the
various
provinces
on
the
issues
that
are
being
negotiated
by
Canada,
and
we
also
studied
the
situation
in
Belgium.
L
But
regional
Parliament's
can
conclude
international
treaties
in
relation
to
the
exclusive
devolved
competences.
Flanders
is
partner
to
more
than
600
treaties
and
agreements.
The
UK
government
takes
the
opposite
approach
to
centralized
approach,
and
mainly
our
this
year.
The
British
Chambers
of
Commerce,
the
CBI,
the
Federation
of
small
businesses
and
the
Institute
for
export
and
international
trades
called
for
the
involvement
of
the
devolved
administration's
and
legislatures
throughout
the
breaks
that
process,
including
their
full
involvement
in
the
process
of
mandate,
preparation
oversight
and
critically
approval
of
trade
deals.
L
That
view
is
shared
by
the
27
organizations
who
make
up
the
trade
justice
Scotland
coalition
and
in
a
briefing
for
today's
to
be,
they
say,
the
other
stands.
The
UK
trade
bill
contains
nothing
that
would
give
the
Scottish
government
or
the
Scottish
Parliament
that
eye
to
scrutinize
or
a
main
trade
deals.
In
other
words,
Scotland
will
have
no
role
in
the
ratification
of
these
deals.
As
things
stand,
the
UK
government
has
argued
that
there
is
no
needs.
L
Insists
that
the
preferential
trading
agreements
the
EU
has
negotiated
with
60
third
party
countries
will
remain
after
braixen
now
possession
is
either
extremely
naive,
arrogant
or
deeply
mendacious
expert
trade
witnesses
who
appeared
before
the
Europe
committee
all
that
time
ago,
told
us
that
they're
all
over
of
existing
trading
relationships
was
by
no
means,
sir,
dr.
Mattias,
Margulis
of
the
University
of
Stirling,
for
example,
emphasized
that
what
we
are
talking
about
in
the
short
to
medium
term
is
a
renegotiation
of
the
market,
access
that
the
UK
currently
enjoys,
not
additional
trade
deals.
L
He
thought
that
the
process
would
take
years,
if
not
decades,
just
for
the
UK
to
achieve
the
market.
Access
that
it
currently
enjoys
well
provides
evading
officer
two
years
on
from
those
evidence
sessions,
I
would
expect.
Read.
Witnesses
have
been
proven
correct
earlier
this
month
in
response
to
a
Freedom
of
Information
request.
The
UK
government
confirmed
that,
even
at
this
late
stage,
it
has
no
clear
agreement
to
roll
over
any
deals
that
third
countries
currently
enjoy
with
the
EU
and
crucially,
no
set
date
for
asking
these
countries
whether
they're
willing
to
do
so.
L
We
face
a
complete
chaos,
even
if
a
bad
deal
is
clobbered
together.
At
the
last
minute,
the
clock
is
ticking
presiding
officer.
It's
taking
for
Scotland's
exports
to
the
EU
and
around
the
world
is
ticking
for
our
NHS,
which
could
be
served
up
to
private
medical
companies
in
a
free
trade
deal
with
the
US.
You
don't
know
what
you've
got.
It's
gone,
presiding
officer
and
it's
others
have
pointed
out.
The
European
Parliament
does
offer
some
protection
against
the
most
exploitive
of
trade
deals.
L
For
example,
the
Parliament
currently
must
sign
off
trade
deals
negotiated
by
the
EU
Commission
and
they
have
a
robust
scrutiny
whereby
individual
MEP
s
are
able
to
look
at
confidential
trade
documents
which
potentially
impact
on
their
constituents
during
the
TTIP
negotiations
with
the
USA
14
separate
committees
of
the
European
Parliament
scrutinized
in
detail,
the
proposed
deal
and
as
a
result
of
this
forensic
scrutiny,
TTIP
was
shelved.
Who
will
perform
that
plans
exclude
me
after
braixen,
without
the
protection
of
Europe
and
European
Parliament
in
particular.
Who
can
we
trust?
L
Well,
the
Scottish
social
attitudes
survey
published
this
year,
found
that
61%
of
people
in
Scotland
trust
the
Scottish
government
to
work
in
Scotland's
best
interests
compared
to
20
sent
for
the
UK
government.
That's
why
it's
absolutely
crucial
that
this
Parliament,
every
single
member
of
it,
gets
the
chance
to
scrutinize
future
trade
deals
and
that
the
Scottish
government,
which
represents
us,
gets
the
chance
to
scrutinize
the
impact
of
those
future
trade
deals
on
the
citizens
of
Scotland.
L
M
Presiding
officer,
we
are
six
months
from
the
brexit
deadline
of
March
next
year
and
we
are
not
that
much
cleaner
about
the
manner
of
how
the
UK
will
leave
the
European
Union.
Nor
do
we
have
a
detailed
model
for
trade
policy
to
replace
the
structures
of
the
European
Union.
The
checker
still
appears
dead
in
the
water,
no
matter
what
I
think
of
it.
The
concluding
summit
in
Salzburg
last
week,
Donald
Tusk,
said
bluntly
that
the
economic
aspect
of
meas,
checkers
blueprint
for
brexit
will
not
work.
M
We
are
only
now
beginning
to
realise
the
full
range
of
implications
of
leaving
the
European,
Union
and
I
have
to
see.
In
the
mean
it
looks
bleak
to
me,
trade
arrangements,
of
course,
at
the
heart
of
any
deal,
the
rules
and
agreements
for
business
to
operate
across
the
world,
and
they
have
major
implications
for
domestic
policy
and
is
probably
essential
issue
for
this
Parliament.
But
the
trade
bill
as
it
currently
stands
is
unacceptable
in
its
current
form,
and
it
should
be
unacceptable
to
most
Democrats
the
emic.
M
The
extensive
use
of
ministerial
pervs
out
justification
leaves
that
an
undemocratic
piece
of
legislation-
and
this
is
certainly
not
transparent,
subject
only
to
minimal
scrutiny.
We
are
asked
to
respect
the
result
of
the
referendum.
I
cannot
respect
the
way
in
which
the
UK
government
has
chosen
so
far
to
take
us
out
of
Europe.
There
must
be
respect
on
all
sides,
but
the
brexit
plan
must
give
clarity
and
transparency
to
businesses,
but
it
must
also
be
transmitted
to
elected
members
who
expected
to
scrutinize
it
on
behalf
of
the
general
public
who
we
represent.
M
This
bill
is
set
to
replace
all
the
II
use
existing
trade
agreements,
so
I
believe
there
must
be
dialogue
with
all
the
devolved
administration's.
It
is
a
new
trade
policy
arrangement
and
it
will
impact
on
all
of
the
parliaments,
I
believe.
In
fact,
it
would
be
against
the
interests
of
a
United
Kingdom,
which
I
believe
in
not
to
properly
involve
and
include
the
nations
and
regions
and
assembly
across
this
United
Kingdom.
For
that
reason,
I
want
to
address
the
truly
emotion
which
I
think
is
way
off
the
mark.
M
It
asked
for
this
parliament
to
respect
trade,
and
international
issues
are
reserved
yeah.
The
UK
government
did
not
respect
a
previous
debate,
ly
heart
about
the
withdrawal
and
the
rate
for
this
Parliament
to
have
sovereignty
over
its
devolved
powers.
There
is
nothing
in
the
motion
which
says
that
the
Scottish
Parliament
should
have
AC
even
in
what
should
be
distinctly
Scottish
and
just
a
thought.
I
thought
we
might
even
agree
on,
but
it
concerns
me
deeply.
M
I
certainly
would
not
be
arguing
for
the
veto,
but
I
think
it's
a
totally
undermining
the
devolution
settlement
under
United
Kingdom
if
their
toys
do
not
recognise
that
in
the
new
arrangements,
it's
really
important
to
redefine
what
we
mean
be
part
of
a
United
Kingdom
and
give
this
Parliament
its
see
in
the
accretion
of
the
new
trade
agreements.
Without
that
it
is
very,
very
difficult
to
respect
the
outcome
of
a
referendum
where
we've
had
virtually
no
see
and
the
construction
of
these
new
arrangements.
M
I
think
it's
very
hard
for
ordinary
people
to
follow
how
this
is
playing
out.
According
to
The
Times
this
week,
Philip
Hammond
and
Greg
Clark
called
for
businesses
to
be
given
more
help
to
adapt
to
the
new
system
of
immigration.
They
argued
against
a
cliff
edge,
and
rightly
so,
I
think
that's
the
right
argument
to
make.
But
they've
lost
the
argument.
It
would
appear
they're,
not
back,
but
other
remain
errs
in
the
cabin
and
the
assembly.
M
Stop
speaking
up
for
many
businesses
who
are
deeply
concerned
about
a
new
immigration
policy
which
does
not
address
their
needs,
it's
no
secret
that
Scotland
has
a
rapidly
aging
population
and
we
many
industries
which
rely
on
a
lower
set
of
skills.
The
pensioner
population
is
expected
to
rise
by
20%
over
the
next
25
years
and
that's
a
marked
contrast
to
the
working
population,
so
that
are
definitely
intial
characteristics
of
the
scottish
nation,
which
are
not
the
same
as
the
rest
of
the
united
kingdom.
This
must
be
addressed
in
any
future
arrangement.
M
So
last
week
the
Home
Office
commissioned
the
migration
Advisory
Committee
report,
which
said
that
Scotland's
economic
situation,
it's
not
sufficiently
different
to
the
rest
of
the
UK
to
justify
a
definite
policy.
This
is
simply
not
true.
The
proposals
in
the
report
suggests
that
blocking
almost
all
workers
coming
to
the
UK
with
a
new
immigration
system
focused
on
attracting
highly
skilled
staff,
Matthew
fell
CBI
Yukie
policy
director
said
the
plans
outlined
for
low-skilled
workers
and
inadequate
and
risk
damaging
labour
shortages.
M
M
In
my
final
30
seconds,
presiding
officer,
I
just
wanted
to
mention
and
declare
my
interest
as
a
member
of
the
GMB,
the
trade
unions
have
had
an
important
role
in
questioning
what
industries
might
be
under
threat.
The
trade
remedies
Authority
just
be
set
up
under
the
trade
bill.
It
has
to
deal
with
crucial
sectors
for
the
Scottish
on
the
British
economy.
Steel
and
aluminium
are
already
subject
to
tariffs
from
the
United
States,
and
the
same
is
true
of
ceramic
and
tableware.
M
G
N
It
seems
to
place
the
interests
and
the
involvement
of
the
devolved
nations
on
a
par
with
estate
law
interests,
and
the
UK
government
has
also
have
talked
about
their
trade
deals
that
work
for
the
whole
of
the
UK,
but
Scotland
Wales
and
also
northern
ion
to
coot
in
some
negotiations,
have
very
different
interests
from
the
rest
of
the
UK,
and
these
differences
would
be
best
addressed
before
reaching
the
negotiation
table.
The
way
that
trade
arrangements
are
developed
within
the
UK
cannot
simply
remain
the
same.
N
The
development,
the
conduct
and
also
the
content
of
future
trade
policy
and
agreements
well,
therefore
have
important
implications
for
scones
in
the
future.
Trade
agreements
well
almost
certainly
involved
devolved
issues,
I'm
saying
also,
for
these
reasons,
I've
just
just
outlined
it's
clear
that
this
chamber
needs
to
send
the
strongest
message
possible
to
the
UK
government
that
there
needs
to
be
a
guaranteed
role
in
the
development
of
trade
agreements
for
the
Scottish
Government,
but
also
this
Parliament,
which
would
benefit
Scottish
producers,
exporters,
consumers
and
also
our
constituents
and
our
communities.
N
Some
quotes
from
the
UK
trade
minister
George
horribly
when
he
took
part
in
the
session
at
the
finance
and
constitution
committee,
but
he
also
spoke
in
their
delegated
pebbles
and
reform
committee,
and
then
that
committee
he
stated
we
are
absolutely
clear
that
there
should
be
deep
and
meaningful
consultation
with
the
Scottish
Government
and
that
we
should
be
open
to
modifying
our
proposals
on
the
basis
of
the
information
that
we
receive.
I
am
absolutely
committed
to
that.
N
He
also
continued
by
saying
it
seems
to
me
that
we
will
get
much
improved
and
much
more
deliverable
free-trade
agreements
if
we
can
all
agree
on
exactly
what
they
should
end
up
proposing
and
how
we
should
negotiate
them
and
the
fine
detail
of
what
forum
that
mechanism
or
take
is
yet
to
be
resolved.
But
I
gave
the
committee
a
political
commitment
that
I
believe
that
it
is
absolutely
right
that
the
devolved
administration's
should
have
a
real
and
put
no
mr.
Hollin
Barry.
N
There
also
stated
that
day
that
day,
I'm
obsolete
termed,
as
as
the
secretary
of
state,
that
the
consultations
that
we
hold
will
be
meaningful
wide
and
deep.
They
will
take
into
account
the
interest
of
all
interested
parties,
which
certainly
includes
the
devolved
authorities.
We
are
not
yet
set
on
exactly
how
we
will
involve
the
devolved
authorities,
know
that
tells
me
a
few
different
things.
N
Abstaining
officer,
first
of
all
that
that
here
is
a
UK,
though,
who
actually
understands
when
aspect
of
this,
and
that's
it's
not
about
a
VTOL
that
that
we're
here
to
learn
from
mr.
Tompkins.
It's
actually
about
having
an
agreement
with
the
devolved
administration's
I
mean
at
this
point
again,
just
one
mr.
Tomkins
record,
I,
don't
know
if
he
looked
at
this
particular
part
of
official
report,
and
it
says
if
we
can
all
agree
on
exactly
what
they
should
end
up
proposing
and
how
we
should
negotiate
them.
N
Now,
it's
not
a
vital
that's
about
two
governments
actually
working
together
to
try
to
get
the
best
possible
outcome,
saying
also
I've,
never
helped
not
ie,
not
sort
of
never
to
ever
expect
any
Scottish
government
minister
to
claim
that
everything
that
they
proposed
to
the
UK
government
should
be
a
lesson
to.
However,
a
UK
government
ray
Firth
internal
diversion
she'd
attempt
to
what
was
a
devolved
administration's.
N
The
Scottish
government
has
been
willing
to
negotiate,
discuss
and
have
meaningful
dialogue,
whether
you
government
for
the
last
but
the
UK
comes
last
two
years
and,
as
the
minister
stated
earlier,
the
UK
government
have
talked
a
good
game,
but
clearly
that
actions
have
been
somewhat
different
today
were
failed.
I've
heard
a
lot
once
again
about
the
aspects
of
of
previous
circular
trade
negotiations
got
a
bit
heated
I've
also
heard
about
the
issue
of
the
quality
chicken,
the
selling
off
of
the
NHS
to
the
highest
bidder
or
just
food
standards.
N
The
power
grab
and
also
other
negative
aspects
about
this.
The
situation
that
we
face,
therefore,
bearing
in
mind
that
we've
actually
had
treated
arrangements
via
the
EU
for
the
last
40
years
and
going
forward
any
future
static,
arrangers
who
clearly
have
an
effect
upon
Scotland
and
also
our
economy
and
also
devolved
issues.
Then
surely
a
common-sense
approach.
N
Excuse
me,
a
common-sense
approach
would
have
been
for
the
UK
government
to
genuine
genuinely
what
got
her
divorce
ministrations
and
Parliament's
to
actually
have
a
stronger
negotiating
position
when
it
comes
to
future
trade
negotiations.
The
UK
wreckingball
approach
needs
to
stop
and
a
reboot
of
the
entered
government
arrangements
establish
Scott
spoke
about
in
his
comets.
It
needs
to
happen
to
build
a
trust
and
also
the
common
ground
to
take
forward
international
trade
discussions.
If
the
UK
government
doesn't
then
our
constituents,
our
communities,
our
economy
will
not
be
in
a
beneficial
possession.
Thank
you
very
much.
N
G
O
Presiding
officer
on
the
key
at
leaf
is
a
19th
century
painting
depicting
the
important
role
the
port
once
played
as
the
main
trading
route
in
and
out
of
Scotland,
including
the
exportation
of
bottles.
1
million
a
week
from
the
Leith
Glass
Works
at
its
peak
in
1770,
according
to
figures
that
I've
received
I've
not
either
researched
them,
nor
was
I
around
at
the
time
to
verify
them.
But
the
picture
is
a
hive
of
activity
with
ships
being
loaded
and
waiting
to
sail
across
the
world.
O
Indeed,
until
the
building
of
the
Kiel
Canal
in
1895,
there
was
regular
direct
trade
for
centuries
between
the
Baltic,
Sea
and
Scotland,
the
Baltic
coast
and
Islands,
including
and
Scottish
herring
by
one
of
my
own
ancestors
fast
forward
to
today.
Leith
may
have
dramatically
changed,
but
the
importance
of
building
and
maintaining
trading
relationships
has
not,
and
Scotland
now
has
a
fantastic
opportunity
to
play
a
key
role
in
a
more
ambitious
UK
trade
policy.
As
we
leave
the
EU,
we
are
an
outward-looking
country
with
a
distinct
culture,
providing
products
and
services
desired
around
the
globe.
O
The
beauty
of
the
sort
of
open
and
free
trade
that
the
UK
has
always
been
in
the
driving
seat
for
as
a
member
of
the
EU,
where
our
businesses
get
the
chance
to
export
and
show
off
their
products
around
the
world.
But
more
than
this,
our
consumers
are
offered
a
wider
range
of
products
at
more
competitive
prices
where
jobs
can
be
created
as
a
result
of
investment
into
this
country.
We
look
forward
to
much
more
of
this
in
the
coming
years.
O
On
paper,
of
course,
the
EU
negotiating
position
is
formidable:
500
million
citizens-
one
market,
however,
with
28
different
member
states
having
their
own
interests.
Negotiations
can
be
made
very
cumbersome.
Indeed,
just
ask
the
Canadian
government,
which
struggled
on
for
seven
long
years
before
the
EU,
eventually
agreed
to
a
deal
that
is
now
provisionally
being
in
place
for
one
year
only
for
Italy's
new
government
this
summer
to
threaten
not
to
ratify
it
enough
to
bring
the
deal
crashing
down
around
all
Member
States.
K
O
What
we
will
have
as
a
result
of
leaving
the
EU
is
the
ability
to
a
more
ambitious
trade
drive,
and
we've
already
made
our
intention
clear.
So
it
will
free
us
up
to
negotiate
proper
deals,
consultations
already
underway,
which
give
all
Scots
the
chance
to
comment
on
what
they
want
to
see
from
proposed
deals
with
USA
Australia,
New
Zealand
and
the
Pacific
countries.
O
These
are
the
sorts
of
opportunities
we've
not
had
for
some
40
years
now,
as
a
result
of
being
locked
into
the
EU,
and
although
the
Scotland
Act
1998
categorizes
international
trade
as
a
reserved
matter,
Scottish
government
officials
regularly
engaged
with
UK
trade
department
officials.
They
can
offer
devolved
expertise
on
a
range
of
issues,
and
this
can
be
valued
by
the
UK
government
and
found
valuable
in
its
own
positioning.
O
It
can
be
hugely
important
in
light
of
the
potential
negotiations
in
front
of
us
with
vast
untapped
potential
for
broadening
our
horizons,
not
least
because
the
IMF
predicts
90
percent
of
growth
in
the
next
10
years
will
be
outside
the
EU,
and
there
are
significant
gaps
where
the
EU
has
failed
to
deliver.
Free
trade
and
investment
deals.
For
example,
the
lack
of
a
comprehensive
trade
deal
with
India,
with
its
1.3
billion
people
and
marketplace,
not
at
the
minute
please
I'm,
seeking
to
make
seeking
to
make
progress.
O
Turning
to
India
its
1.3
billion
marketplace,
with
which
the
EU
has
failed
to
make
a
comprehensive
deal,
as
exemplified
in
some
of
the
export
statistics,
Scottish
exports
to
India
sit
at
only
235
million
pounds
compared
to
exports
to
the
small
country
of
luxembourg
per
370
million
pounds.
That
tells
us
there
is
much
much
more
to
be
done
on
the
world
stage.
O
Recently,
internationalization
is
one
of
the
government's
four
key
priorities
as
set
out
in
its
2015
economic
strategy,
and
yet
the
same
report
found
that
Scotland
needs
5,000
more
companies
to
start
exporting
before
it
can
move
into
the
OECD
upper
quartile
SDI's
own
evaluation
of
international
activities
noted
improvement
in
Scotland's
trade
performance,
but
a
shortage
of
exporting
firms
compared
to
other
parts
of
the
UK.
Our
committee
reports
summarized
that,
while
the
theory
and
principles
of
Scotland's
trade
and
investment
strategy
are
sound,
it
lacks
government
commitment
and
financial
backing.
O
P
Presiding
officer,
the
point
has
been
made
repeatedly
throughout
today's
debate
that
trade
agreements
are
not
just
about
how
many
Goods,
at
what
price.
In
today's
world
old
trade
agreements
reached
far
and
wide
the
encroached
on
public
policy
and
impact
deeply.
They
honor
day-to-day
life's
and
cutting
across
both
reserved
and
devolved
competencies.
And
if
we
believe
in
inclusive
growth,
values,
fairness
and
competitiveness,
recognizing
the
growing
our
economy
and
addressing
inequality
are
not
mutually
exclusive,
but
two
sides
of
the
same
coin.
P
And
we
all
know
what
is
reserved
and
what
is
devolved
is
indeed
written
in
black
and
white.
However
life,
unlike
the
the
print
on
pages
of
a
law
book,
life
isn't
two-dimensional,
making
decisions
is
a
two-dimensional
process
and
what
I
know
from
experience
is
the
two
sets
of
ministers
and
two
different
governments.
These
know
a
list
of
what
is
reserved
and
porters
devolved,
doesn't
get
us
very
far
and
actually
delivers
nothing
for
citizens
and
the
real
world
reserved
and
devolved
powers
interact
with
each
other
and
sometimes
in
competing
ways,
and
now
well.
P
P
We
are
concerned,
so
much
work
still
needs
to
be
done:
20
years
old
from
the
establishment
of
devolution
in
1998,
it's
clear
from
the
evidence
of
to
this
inquiry
that
Whitehall
it
operates
on
the
basis
of
a
structure
and
a
culture
which
takes
twitter
account
of
the
realities
of
devolution.
In
the
UK,
and
that
this
is
inimical
to
the
principles
of
devolution
and
good
governance
of
the
UK.
P
So
what
that
actually
says
to
me
to
say
to
officer
is
that
it's
an
everyone's
interest
if
for
Whitehall
to
get
with
the
devolution
programme
and
that
the
biggest
barrier
as
I
see
is
that
the
UK
government
still
doesn't
really
get
devolution
and
you
need
to
understand
devolution
to
respect
her
and
I.
Wasn't
a
member
of
the
Finance
and
constitutional
committee
when
George
Halling
bury
the
UK's
Minister
of
Trade
for
trade
Minister
of
State
for
trade
policy
give
evidence
weeks
ago.
I.
P
Did
it
read
his
evidence
with
the
interest
now
find
some
of
his
language,
illuminating
and
suppose?
As
an
aside,
I
was
rather
wickedly
unused
mr.
Hong,
but
he
got
mr.
McKee
and
mr.
Mackay
mixed
up
as
I
thought
that
when
we
happened
to
two
women-
and
there
were
lots
of
warm
words
about
the
commitment
to
engage
but
a
precious
little
on
the
detail,
other
than
references
that
would
meet
to
a
current
engagement,
a
special
waiver
for
your
Scottish
government
officials.
They
shared
their
views
and
expertise.
P
I
quote
upstream
and
interest
in
Mart:
hey,
there
were
deep
dives
on
technical
matters.
The
role
of
Scotland's
59
MPs
and
territorial
Secretary
of
State's
was
discussed
as
well,
but
all
of
that
as
a
given
and
it
was
a
pure
deflection
from
the
need
to
change
how
we
currently
work
and
when
Willy
coffee
asked
the
minister
to
give
an
example
of
how
a
devolved
administration
had
shaped
a
policy.
The
answer
from
a
civil
servant
was
well
I'm,
sure
that
we
could
find
some
such
example
without
actually
identifying
one.
P
So
to
conclude,
citing
officer,
there
are
indeed
many
international
examples
to
learn
from,
but
many
of
the
countries
we
seek
to
learn
from
do
indeed
have
different
arrangements.
They
have
different
constitutional
arrangements
and
quite
often
have
it
written
constitutions.
And
what
I'm
clear
about
is
that
it?
Well,
you
can't
carry
PEC
they
or
Shift.
+
left
carte
blanche
from
other
countries.
We
can
certainly
really
look
and
apply
learning
from
others
and
adapted
it
to
an
experience,
they're
gated,
of
course,
by
very
clear
trends.
Q
You
presiding
officer,
as
we
know,
three
agreements
are
the
rules
which
govern
our
economic
relationships
with
the
rest
of
the
world
for
over
40
years.
Those
rules
have
been
shaped
by
a
place
in
Europe
and
for
over
40
years.
As
a
welling
member
state,
we
have
ourselves
shaped
those
rules
in
Europe
exiting
the
European
Union
will
inevitably
change
our
relationship
with
the
rest
of
Europe
and
the
rest
of
the
world.
Q
The
extent
of
that
change,
however,
remains
unclear,
because,
even
though
it
was
six
months
to
go
into
exit,
the
no
agreement
has
been
reached
on
a
brexit
deal
or
the
rules.
That
would
then
comment
to
govern
our
relationship
with
the
EU.
As
Jackie
Bailey
said,
the
play
masters
checkers
deal
is
dead,
the
cabinet
has
been
an
open
revolt
and
no
deal
is
looking
more
and
more
lately.
Q
However,
the
Scottish
government
motion
today
is
not
about
the
wisdom
of
leaving
me
you
or
the
options
which
will
have
to
be
thus
a
data
point
as
I
believe
about
trying
to
build
something
constructive
when
it
comes
to
international
trade
agreements,
and
there
surely
is
something
on
which
we
can
all
agree
across
the
chamber.
I
welcome
both
the
tone
and
the
content
of
the
motion
resign
office.
Q
So
the
intention
of
the
UK
government
is
to
negotiate
a
series
of
bilateral
deals
from
March
2019
onwards,
but
until
we
know
the
nature
of
the
UK's
relationship
with
the
going
forward,
we
will
not
know
the
extent
to
which
that
can
actually
be
an
independent
UK
trade
policy
post
brexit
and
we
will
not
know
the
full
impact
it
will
have
on
the
economy.
The
Scottish
Government's
publication
on
future
UK
trade
arrangements
said
so
in
detail.
The
significance
of
trade
to
the
UK
and
to
Scotland
paragraph
23
of
the
report
spells
out
and
sobering
terms.
Q
Just
what
leaving
the
single
market
and
customs
union
could
mean.
Wto
Lu
scenario
leading
to
a
loss
of
8.5%,
GDP
and
Scotland
by
2030,
a
free
trade
agreement,
relationship
leading
to
GDP
being
6.1
percent
lower
by
2030.
For
all
these
reasons,
the
brexit
de
Matos,
we
need
to
get
it
right,
but
we
should
also
be
prepared
for
all
eventualities,
promising
a
transparent
and
inclusive
independent
trade
policy.
Back
in
July,
the
international
trade
secretary,
Liam
Fox,
said
to
develop
and
deliver
a
UK
trade
policy
that
benefits
business
workers
and
consumers
across
the
whole
of
the
UK.
Q
We
need
to
reflect
the
needs
and
individual
circumstances
of
England
Scotland,
Wales
and
Northern
Ireland
for
labour.
One
of
our
sex
tests
for
any
brexit
deal
is
with
the
government
come
forward
with,
as
does
it
deliver
for
all
the
nations
and
regions
of
the
UK
I'm
presenting
officer
like
Paul,
Aminu
I,
believe
we
must
apply
that
same
test
to
any
future
trade
agreements.
We
say
not
to
push
but
exit.
Q
Briggsie
is
testing
political
conventions
and
orthodoxies
in
this
country
to
destruction.
It's
time
for
new
ways
of
thinking
and
new
ways
of
working
to
a
new
main
set
about
who
the
governments
of
these
islands
work
together.
It
requires
goodwill
and
cooperation.
It
challenges
that
I
am
from
good
practice
elsewhere,
as
well
as
introducing
new
innovative
practices
of
our
own
in
evidence
to
the
finance
and
constitution
committee
in
April,
Kathleen
Waukesha
of
the
GMB
and
I
declared
I'm
a
member,
the
GMB
out
like
concerns.
Q
She
said
about
existing
global
and
EU
level
trade
agreements,
predominantly
because
of
their
lack
of
democracy,
transparency
and
inclusiveness
of
stakeholders.
We
can
better
engage
with
stakeholders
by
giving
out
of
all
parlance
a
meaningful
C
by
the
UK
government.
Accepting
that
devolved
administration's
are
not
their
competitors
or
opponents,
but
partners
in
an
endeavor,
the
lake
of
which
none
of
us
have
ever
had
to
engage
with
before.
To
do
that,
we
need
to
have
a
formal
structure.
Q
We
need
clear
and
binding
agreements,
we
need
mutual
respect
and
understanding,
and
we
need
parity
of
esteem
as
Katherine
Lee
in
Waukesha
also
said.
That
means
that
the
Scottish,
Parliament
and
other
devolved
administration's
must
have
a
formal
and
substantial
say
and
why
we
are
having
any
trade
agreement,
what
it
aims
and
objectives
and
scopes
are
and
what
its
mandate
is
and,
as
Bruce
Crawford
said
earlier,
the
finance
constitution
committee
members
have
been
taking
evidence
when
it
comes
to
trade
and
I
agree
with
him.
Q
It
has
been
useful
for
us
to
hear
the
experience
of
officials
and
representatives
of
different
countries.
What
struck
me
is
that
other
countries,
especially
those
with
federal
or
devolve
structures,
the
Lava
complex
trade,
deals
acceptable
to
the
nations
and
regions
when
they
have
a
robust
degree
process,
underpinned
by
a
genuine
spirit
of
cooperation.
Black
could
mean
central
government
and
devolve
government
agreeing
a
common
negotiation
possession
before
entering
formal
trade
talks.
That
could
mean
observer
status
for
the
vulval
administration's,
like
Deva,
mean
proper
recognition
for
local
government
as
a
sphere
of
government.
Q
Not
just
that
here
we
have
a
significant
interest
in
our
future
trading
relationships.
There
are
no
easy
answers.
What
works
well,
and
one
agreement
with
one
country
will
not
necessary
what
where
were
others
an
and
all
members
have
said
that,
but
surely
a
new
frame
of
cooperation
and
understanding
is
assigned
and
legitimate
basis
on
which
to
proceed.
Governments
and
devolved
administrations
won't
always
get
everything
they
want.
Kathleen
Waukesha
again
pointed
out
in
relation
to
the
Canadian
provinces.
Q
I
know
that,
whether
the
province,
whether
whether
the
provinces
were
able
to
get
where
they
wanted
to
be
on
Sita,
is
an
open
question.
A
lot
of
compromises
were
made.
There
is
no
perfect
model,
but
even
if
we
don't
always
get
what
we
want,
let's
put
in
place
the
framework
that
allows
us
to
try.
Let's
make
a
complex
process,
more
transparent,
more
inclusive
and
let's
make
sure
that
reflects
they
need
our
economy
present
officer.
We
are
entering
into
unchartered
and
turbulent
waters.
Q
K
You,
presiding
officer
and
I
have
to
say,
I've,
become
increasingly
pessimistic
as
I
prepared
for
their
speech
and
looked
through
the
discussion
paper,
which
goes
through
various
scenarios,
but
given
the
mood
music
from
the
mood
music
from
Westminster,
it
is
not
a
very
hopeful
picture
to
start
with
some
general
comments.
I
certainly
do
feel
I
can
trust
the
European
Union
more
than
I
can
trust
the
UK.
K
The
EU
has
ideals,
but
it
can
also
be
very
pragmatic,
while
Westminster
does
not
seem
to
have
very
much
in
the
way
of
ideals,
nor
does
it
seem
to
be
living
in
the
real
practical
world.
The
EU
has
negotiating
power,
scrutiny,
expertise,
and
the
fear
is
that
the
UK
has
none.
Of
these,
the
UK
has
been
behaving
like
a
spoiled
brat.
The
checkers
agreement
was
meant
to
be
an
opening
offer
for
negotiations,
not
to
take
it
or
leave
it
final
offer.
It
should
have
come
much
earlier
in
the
process.
K
There
is
probably
a
majority
in
the
House
of
Commons
for
a
soft
brexit
keeping
us
in
the
single
market
and
the
customs
union,
but
it
does
seem
that
both
Teresa
May
and
Jeremy
Corbyn
are
putting
their
parties
before
the
country
rather
than
standing
up
to
the
ardent
breaks.
The
tears
in
both
parties
Labour
seem
to
be
saying
that
we
need
a
federal
system.
Now.
I
seem
to
remember
that
Gordon
Brown
said
that
quite
a
while
ago,
but
that
would
require
a
written
constitution
for
the
whole
of
the
UK.
K
Can
we
really
expect
that
anytime
soon,
even
if
Labour
were
to
win
a
Westminster
election,
however,
a
federal
system
could
be
an
improvement,
as
it
would
make
it
much
clearer
who
had
the
power
to
do
what,
whereas
devolution
always
leaves
the
real
power
at
the
centre.
I
have
to
say
also
that
I
part
of
me
does
feel
sorry
for
Teresa
May.
She
just
cannot
possibly
square
all
the
circles
that
she
finds
herself
in
on
the
discussion
paper
itself.
K
Hey
I
thought
there
was
a
lot
of
good
material
in
the
introduction
and
page
10
paragraphs
10
11.
It
makes
the
very
useful
point
of
how
much
we
need
to
increase
trade
with
other
countries
to
compensate
if
we
lose
trade
with
the
EU.
For
example,
we
would
need
to
triple
services
services,
trade
with
China,
but
that
would
still
not
equal
1/5
of
the
UK's
current
services
exports
to
the
single
market
in
Chapter
one.
It
talks
about
some
of
the
key
differences
between
Scotland
and
the
UK.
K
I
was
trying
to
make
earlier
tomorrow,
Fraser
on
page
18
tables,
two
and
three,
a
paragraph
36
talks
about
how
ninety
two
thousand
tons
of
salmon
worth
600
million
pounds
are
exported
from
the
UK
each
year
and
99
percent
of
that
is
from
Scotland.
How
seriously,
while
the
UK
negotiators
take
that
very,
very
important
sector
and
again
on
a
page
19
paragraph
38.
K
K
However,
I
do
accept
that
there
is
a
challenge
in
getting
a
right
balance
in
this
under
EU
EU
regulation.
It
does
seem
that
we've
been
largely
unable
to
favor
local
suppliers
over
cheaper
imports,
and
many
of
us
have
not
always
been
comfortable
with
this.
Fair
trade,
for
example,
has
been
allowed
and
that
as
effectively
enabled
Scottish,
UK
and
EU
consumers
to
choose
to
pay
a
premium
to
ensure
farmers
and
others
in
the
developing
world
get
paid
a
decent
wage,
and
there
specifically
would
disagree
with
for
Adam.
K
The
hope
would
be
that
such
possibilities
could
be
built
into
future
trade
agreements
even
better
than
the
EU
has
managed,
and
that's
what
the
Conservatives
seem
to
be
arguing,
but
the
fear
has
to
be
that
the
UK
will
be
smaller
and
weaker
than
the
EU
and
will
feel
even
to
achieve
the
present
standards.
I
do
thank
the
trade
justice.
K
Scotland
Coalition
for
their
briefing
I,
certainly
agree
with
a
number
of
the
principles
laid
out
there,
for
example,
that
trade
should
be
based
on
ethical
principles,
but
I
would
just
caution
against
being
too
idealistic
and
cutting
off
our
noses.
Despite
our
faces,
I
feel
that
if
we
only
dealt
with
countries
and
companies
which
were
above
reproach,
we
would
not
be
doing
very
much
trade
at
all.
Again,
there
has
to
be
a
reasonable
balance
and,
finally,
in
the
report,
a
in
paragraph
56
talks
about
the
length
of
time
for
trade
deals.
K
The
quickest
that
the
EU
has
managed
is
three
years.
So
the
question
is:
how
long
will
the
UK
take?
So
in
conclusion,
the
ball
is
very
much
in
the
UK
government's
court.
They
have
taken
far
too
long
to
get
to
where
we
are,
but
they
must
be
willing
to
negotiate,
not
just
make
demands
of
the
EU,
as
we
would
expect
from
a
colonial
power
and
finally,
I
would
appear
to
the
London
leadership's
of
the
Tories
to
please
consider
what
is
best
for
the
country,
not
just
who
will
win
the
next
election.
Thank.
G
R
You
for
more
than
40
years,
the
negotiation
of
trade
agreements
has
been
the
exclusive
competence
of
the
EU.
We
know
that
when
we
exit
the
EU,
we
will
have
far
more
involvement
in
our
future
UK
trade
agreements
than
we
would
currently.
As
my
colleagues
have
mentioned,
our
amendment
seeks
to
amend
the
emotion
the
motion
to
highlight
the
significance
of
cooperation
and
collaboration
between
all
parts
of
the
UK.
As
we
move
forward
with
brexit.
R
The
UK
government
has
repeatedly
committed
to
working
closely
with
Scotland
to
deliver
a
future
trade
policy
which
works
for
the
whole
of
the
United
Kingdom.
Yet
the
SNP
continued
to
sound
aggrieved
about
this
and
won't
work
collaboratively
with
the
UK
government
to
help
Forge
those
future
trade
deals
in
order
that
we
can
reach
the
best
outcome
for
Scotland
and
the
rest
of
the
UK.
Our
amendment
is
unequivocal.
R
We
are
calling
on
all
Parliament's
assemblies
and
governments
in
the
UK
to
ensure
that
the
UK's
with
rural
from
the
EU
is
delivered
compatibly
with
the
UK's
devolution
Arrangements,
respecting
both
that
which
has
devolved
and
that
which
is
reserved
I'll
take
a
short
intervention.
If
you
don't
mind,
Joel.
L
R
Hamilton
I
thank
Jeremy.
Come
to
that
intervention,
I
mean
what
we
need
to
focus
on
here
is
the
engagement
process
of
the
consultation
and
the
process
that
takes
us
forward
with
the
free
trade
agreements
which
actually
involves
Scotland
and
the
other
devolved
administration's
any
future
trade
deal
will
have
massive
potential
for
Scotland.
We
believe
the
phrase
of
Ireland
Institute
has
already
stated
that
brexit
and
I
quote
will
encourage
companies
to
consider
trade
on
a
much
more
international
and
over
a
longer
timeframe.
R
The
opportunity
to
take
Scotland,
global
and
really
showcase
our
products
abroad
could
be
positive
for
our
economy,
presiding
officer
at
the
moment.
Scotland
exports
370
million
to
Luxembourg,
but
just
235
million
to
India,
and
we
trade
80
percent
more
with
Island
than
we
do
with
China.
Only
three
of
the
top
countries
in
the
world
by
size
of
population
appear
in
the
top
20
of
Scotland's
exports.
I
see
that
Mike
Russell
is
putting
his
hands
in
his
head.
R
I
think
that
there's
a
huge
potential
and
clearly
the
that
Mike
Russell
cannot
see
this
going
forward
with
brexit.
We
do
have
the
chance
to
change
this
and
I
just
wish
that
Mike
Ross
was
slightly
more
up
to
optimistic
for
Scotland
Scotland
punches
well
above
its
weight
in
producing
many
fine
quality
products,
for
example,
take
food
and
drink
mentioned
by
many
others.
Today,
the
IMF
predicts
that
90
percent
of
growth
in
the
next
five
years
will
be
outside
of
the
EU
James
withers
has
been
quoted
today
of
Scotland's
food
and
drink.
R
He
said
that
this
is
a
major
opportunity:
Martin
Bell
deputy
director
of
trade
at
Scotch,
whisky,
Searchers
welcomed,
Scotland's,
future
trade
possibility.
Csis
said
and
I
quote
the
Scotch
whisky
industry
welcomes
the
opportunity
to
share
our
priorities:
the
future
UK
trade
negotiations
with
these
key
trading
partners.
Many
Scottish
companies
do
not
currently
export
internationally
due
to
perhaps
their
lack
of
Finance
awareness
of
opportunities
and
international
savvy.
This
is
despite
many
companies
trading
with
England
and
other
parts
of
the
UK
which
already
require
packaging
and
logistics.
R
Shanker's
Ingram,
director
of
the
international
trade
and
competition
unit
at
free
trade
think-tank.
The
institute
of
economic
first
said
that
the
UK's
narrower
range
of
offensive
interests
made
it
more
likely
to
succeed
where
the
EU
had
failed
to
negotiate
access
for
Scotch
in
growth
marks,
I'm,
sorry,
I'm
a
limited
time,
my
times
being
cut
I'm.
Sorry,
mr.
McKee
I
believe
both
the
Scottish
and
UK
governments
have
a
vital
role
to
play
in
ensuring
that
companies
have
the
necessary
tools
to
promote
their
products
for
export.
R
The
role
of
government
is
therefore
not
only
to
provide
financial
support,
but
also
to
increase
awareness
of
that
support.
That's
already
available,
as
well
as
providing
easily
accessible
advice
on
internationalization.
The
UK
government's
made
it
clear
that,
as
we
leave
the
EU,
our
high
standards
for
consumers,
employees
and
the
environment
and
in
particular
animal
welfare
will
be
maintained.
Health
care
and
food
standards
will
not
be
compromised
in
future.
R
Trade
deals
and
we've
heard
George
Hollen
berry,
Ben
Kip
quoted
today,
but
he
said
the
UK
is
absolutely
clear
that
we
will
not
be
dropping
our
phytosanitary
or
food
standards,
and,
and
these
are
things
that
will
not
be
negotiating
away
in
freed
trade
deals.
Let
me
be
clear,
presiding
officer.
Mr.
Hollin
berry
went
on
to
say
the
UK
will
not
be
signing
agreements
that
allow
the
National
Health
Service
be
challenged
by
foreign
investors.
R
Similarly,
any
food
issues
can
be
dealt
with
in
such
agreements,
and
we
have
made
clear
commitments
about
how
we
will
deal
with
such
issues.
To
conclude,
presiding
officer,
we
must
never
forget
that
Scotland's
export
nearly
four
times
as
much
to
the
UK
as
it
does
to
the
EU
a
fact,
but
members
sitting
on
the
other
side
of
the
chamber
show
complete
regards
disregard.
R
G
S
You
officers
when
I
visited
Brussels.
Lastly,
last
week
with
colleagues
from
the
Finance
Committee,
the
one
thing
I
learned
from
the
visit
was
this
that
our
colleagues
in
Europe,
whether
it
was
the
German
lender
or
the
Swiss
cantons,
they
embrace
the
process.
We
have
their
federal
government's
fully
involved.
All
are
devolved
administration's
and
only
preceded
in
matters
when
agreement
was
reached,
the
lens
of
themselves,
a
few
responsibilities
for
education
and
cultural
policy
and
the
federal
government
has
to
get
consent
from
the
lender
and
certain
matters.
Otherwise
they
cannot
proceed.
S
We
may
represent
representatives
from
free
Verlander's
from
Bavaria,
the
biggest
from
Turin
gaya,
one
of
the
smallest
and
from
Brandenburg
in
the
former
East
Germany,
despite
the
clear
differences
in
size
and
scale
and
the
challenges
that
were
faced
by
Germany
when
the
east
came
on
to
the
EU
overlay
in
1990.
The
common
thread
that
holds
all
together
was
the
basic
law
on
the
lender
agreement.
Now,
as
international
treaties
contain
any
provisions
that
affect
state
competences,
then
the
federal
government
has
to
in
the
consent
of
the
lender
and
then
returned.
S
The
lender
can
actually
conclude
treaties
with
foreign
states
with
the
consent
of
the
federal
government.
Now
that
system
has
been
in
place
for
many
years
now
and
has
served
Germany
particularly
will
and
I
can
remember
the
surprise
in
the
Swiss
ambassador
to
the
EU
mr.
Berger's
face
when
we
asked
him
how
disputes
were
resolved
and
both
he
and
his
colleagues
looked
at
one
another
and
said
we
don't
have
any,
because
they
engage
in
detailed
discussion
with
colleagues
and
all
interested
parties,
including
public
holding
public
referenda.
S
From
time
to
time,
the
Swiss
cantons
old
attained
a
high
degree
of
autonomy.
They
enjoy
fiscal
autonomy,
have
their
own
constitutions
and
control
everything
there's
not
specifically
reserved
to
the
Federation,
for
example,
in
healthcare,
education
and
domestic
security.
The
division
of
responsibilities
between
the
Canton's
and
the
federal
state
is
respected
and
it
can't
be
overturned
by
central
government
interference.
The
point
of
all
of
this
Poseidon
of
these
countries
worked
hard
at
getting
agreement
and
advance
and
they
benefit
from
it
as
a
result
by
avoiding
disputes
and
talk
about
vetoes
contrast.
S
This
approach
with
the
possession
here
in
Scotland
our
government,
our
Parliament
and
said
the
citizens,
are
not
to
be
part
of
the
process.
No
real
engagement
of
participation,
no
scrutiny,
and
we
have
to
have
no
right
to
reject
any
proposal
that
might
cut
across
our
own
responsibilities.
We
asked
mr.
hall
in
Barilla,
Trade
Minister
F.
His
government
was
planning
to
include
anyone
from
the
devolved
administration's
when
his
new
trade
remedies
authority.
S
That
will
try
to
resolve
issues
with
me
arise,
and
the
answer
was
basically
no,
so
we
could
have
a
situation
where
this
body
is
dealing
with
issues
that
clearly
cut
across
to
devolve
powers
of
all
of
the
Parliament's
and
the
same
ways.
Yet
there
may
well
be
no
one
serving
on
the
authority
with
any
knowledge
of
the
devolved
powers
at
all.
Any
trade
agreements
must
surely
be
supported
by
all
of
the
devolved
administration's
and
not
simply
before
stood
owners.
S
Colleagues
have
described
some
of
the
possible
scenarios
that
could
happen
in
relation
to
her
prized
Scottish
produce
like
Scottish
beef
in
salmon,
not
to
mention
whiskey
and
even
one
of
my
local
products,
and
your
saw.
The
wonderful.
The
law.
Cheese
which
enjoys
PGI
are
protected
geographical
indication
status,
the
strength
of
the
European
Union
and
protect
protecting
our
PGI
products,
and
even
our
NHS
should
not
be
underestimated.
Any
trade
deal
that
the
UK
enters
into.
You
must
never
diminish
or
trade
away
the
protected
status
of
our
brands,
some
litigate
any
deal
that
it
seeks.
S
S
They
have
to
trust
us
and
we
have
to
trust
them
and
order
to
get
the
best
deal
and
I
think
that
was
really
the
point
which
Crawford
was
making
earlier
and
has
speech,
but
that
will
only
come
about
if
the
UK
agrees
to
the
same
level
of
involvement
for
Scotland,
Wales
and
Northern
Ireland,
we
see
across
Europe
and
which
was
explained
and
illustrated
graphically
last
week,
while
we
were
in
Brussels
so
preside
enough.
So
the
UK
government
seems
to
want
to
be
the
boss
here
and
we
have
to
take
whatever
they
wanted.
S
The
show,
because
trade
is
reserved
and
that
that
arrogance
flies
in
the
face
of
the
approach
taken
in
Europe,
that
I've
just
described
and
it's
a
recipe
for
another
disaster.
I,
definitely
needed
one.
On
top
of
the
brexit
chaos
of
cuddly
and
those
in
charge
of
the
UK
really
need
to
move
into
the
21st
century
and
stop
behaving
like
colonial
governors,
the
ones
we're.
Surely
we
can
move
forward
and
embrace
some
of
the
modern
thinking
that
we've
experienced
in
Europe
last
week
to
make
sure
that
trade
agreements
are
in
all
of
our
nation's
best
interests.
S
G
T
You
very
much
shared
their
piece
of
today
off
so
I.
Think
in
terms
of
this
afternoon's
to
be,
there
have
been
three
important
themes
as
far
as
I'm
concerned,
a
trade
that
all
of
devolved
institutions
and
dispute
resolution
I
think
right
at
the
outset.
The
the
importance
of
trade
and
our
trading
relationship
with
EU
remains
absolutely
critical.
You
know
even
post
regs
that
we
trade
twelve
billion
pounds
to
the
rest
of
the
year
and
the
the
disaster
of
regs
that
the
impact
of
that
has
got
real
drastic
consequences
for
the
country.
T
Jackie
Bailey
was
right
to
point
out
that
the
Tories
are
in
tatters.
All
of
us.
They
seem
to
have
spent
most
of
the
time
since
June
2016,
trying
to
put
together
an
agreement
that
will
bring
together
the
Tory
party
without
any
respect
to
what
the
rest
of
the
27
EU
countries
think
and
then
surprised
when
EE,
you
don't
agree
that
the
first
car,
over
and
in
terms
of
the
trade
bill,
think
Polly
McNeil
was
rate
2.0
that
the
way
it's
drafted.
T
Currently
the
polls
are
restrictive
in
terms
of
the
involvement
of
devolved
institutions
and
therefore
you
can
end
up
with
a
lack
of
scrutiny.
Around
trade
deals
deals
been
done,
been
closed
doors
and
that's
not
good
for
the
overall
prospect
of
the
deals,
and
it's
not
good
for
the
involvement
of
devolved
institutions.
Force
acquired
as
Neil
babby,
pointed
a
transparent
and
inclusive.
T
If
we're
going
to
get
proper
and
robust
trade
deals,
that
will
actually
make
a
contribution
to
the
Scottish
and
UK
economies
in
terms
of
their
overall
of
devolved
institutions.
You
know
Patrick
Harvie
was
right
to
emphasize
the
importance
of
a
proper
process,
one
that
said
so
clear
rules
and
mechanisms
and
I
think
we
found
that's
important,
that
devolved
institutions
of
the
ability
to
or
in
order
to
negotiate
variations
from
the
UK
trade
deals
well
rather
appropriate
for
public
institutions,
northern
scotland
and
other
devolved
institutions.
N
T
Kelly
clearly,
the
importance
of
unter
governmental
governmental
relations
is
is
absolutely
vital,
as
it
was
going
on
to
see
or
what
we
learned
from
last
week's
Brussels
is
the
importance
of
cooperation.
The
importance
of
clear
rules
and
a
mechanism
of
discussions
are
an
early
stage
and
ultimately
about
all
parties
seeking
to
try
and
reach
a
consensus
or
reach
and
I
could,
even
even
if
they
start
in
a
place
of
just
agreement,
and
from
that
point
of
view
you
know,
there's
a
lesson
for
them
all
for
all
of
us.
T
You
can
have
a
say
iation,
where
the
UK
government
of
you
know
simply
shooting
down
the
Scottish
government
trying
to
Scottish
government
in
this
place,
and
he
call
a
the
Scottish
government
needs
to
move
on
to
ascertain
where
they're
prepared
to
walk
and
make
an
arrangement
if
it's
feasible.
What
the
UK
government
I
think.
That's,
what's
going
to
be
reflected
on
the
way
forward,
presiding
officer
as
clear
rules,
agreement
and
seeking
seeking
consensus.
Thank.
E
Thank
you
very
much
deputy
presiding
officer.
We've
heard
a
number
of
concerns
expressed
by
members
across
the
chamber
this
afternoon
about
the
future
prospects
for
Scotland's
trade.
I,
rarely
find
myself
to
be
on
the
optimistic
side
of
a
debate,
but
I
would
like
to
address
some
of
the
concerns
raised
by
having
a
look
at
Scotland's
current
trading
position.
61%
of
our
trade
is
with
the
rest
of
the
UK.
17%
is
with
the
EU
single
market.
In
fact,
the
value
of
our
exports
to
the
EU
have
declined
since
2010.
E
Meanwhile,
our
exports
to
the
rest
of
the
world
have
been
increasing
in
recent
years
and
now
represents
23%
of
our
trades
Kevin.
Given
that
90
percent
of
the
future
world
economic
growth
in
the
next
10
years
is
going
to
be
outside
of
Europe,
it's
vital
that
we
help
Scottish
business
gain
gained
further
access
to
these
fast-growing
markets
to
explore
how
we
can
take
advantage
of
these
trading
opportunities.
I
want
to
briefly
deal
with
continuity
of
trading
arrangements
before
moving
on
to
future
trading
agreements.
E
At
the
moment,
more
than
5%
of
our
total
trade
is
governed
by
existing
EU
free
trade
agreements.
With
third
countries,
one
of
the
key
objectives
of
the
UK
trade
bill
is
therefore
to
rollover
these
existing
EU
deals
as
smoothly
and
as
quickly
as
possible,
and
to
address
some
of
the
concerns
that
James
Kelly
raised
the
UK
Minister
for
trade
policy.
George
Holly
Murray
made
it
clear
in
his
evidence
to
the
finance
and
constitution
committee
that
we
must
ensure
that
these
trade
agreements
continue
to
be
in
place
on
the
day
we
leave
the
EU.
E
The
intention
is
to
alter
these
trading
arrangements
as
little
as
possible,
and
continuity
is
all
about
giving
certainty
to
business
consumers
and
our
trading
partners.
Speed
will
be
of
the
essence.
My
colleagues
have
made
it
clear
today
that
the
proposals
contained
in
the
SPS
trade
paper
would
undermine
these
objectives,
requiring
the
agreement
of
the
Scottish
Government
a
bill
in
a
second
requiring
the
agreement
of
the
Scottish
Government
and
the
Scottish
Parliament
for
the
rollover
of
existing
EU
trade
deals
is
not
only
incompatible
with
the
devolution
settlement,
but
it
would
delay
the
process.
B
E
Deals
will
the
UK
will
replace
the
EU
with
the
third
countries
using
the
existing
trade
agreements
in
place,
so
that
that
would
be.
That
would
be
the
way
that
would
work.
Yes,
it
would
now
I
now
want
to
turn
to
how
future
trading
agreements
will
be
negotiated,
agreed
and
implemented.
A
number
of
members,
including
Gordon
Lyndhurst
Rachel
Hamilton,
highlighted
that
was
drawing
from
the
EU,
will
give
us
the
opportunity
to
shape
our
own
trade
opportunities
and
expand
our
trade
with
some
of
the
fastest-growing
economies
in
the
world,
including
China
and
India.
E
Our
current
exports
to
these
markets
are
marginal.
For
example,
less
than
two
percent
of
our
exports
go
to
China
and
less
than
1%
go
to
India,
but
when
it
comes
to
the
question
of
how
Scotland
should
approach
future
three
trade
agreements,
the
countless
policy
papers
issued
by
the
SNP
have
painted
a
confusing
picture.
E
On
the
one
hand,
in
the
trade
paper
we
are
debating
today,
they
are
simply
argues
that
the
specific
needs
of
Scotland's
economy
must
be
fully
reflected
in
future
deals
negotiated
by
the
UK
government,
and
for
this
reason
it
is
proposing
a
veto
at
every
stage
of
the
preparation,
negotiation
and
ratification
of
any
UK
free
trade
agreement.
But,
on
the
other
hand,
the
essence
P
lesson.
B's
policy
of
a
differentiated
approach
to
Europe
of
remaining
in
the
single
market
would
hand
significant
powers
over
future
trade
agreements
back
to
Brussels.
E
This
would
mean
that
all
future
trade
agreements
for
Scotland
would
have
to
reflect
the
widely
conflicting
interests
of
27
other
EU
member
states,
with
the
specific
needs
of
Scotland's
economy
being
marginalized
and
diluted,
and
with
no
veto
rights
for
the
Scottish
Government
or
this
Parliament
diving
after
the
espys
position
in
relation
to
Scotland's.
Future
trading
arrangements
is
contradictory,
confusing
and
lacks
credibility.
Our
approach
is
to
get
the
best
future
trade
deals
for
Scotland
as
an
integral
integral
part
of
the
UK
economy,
but
the
Fraser
made
the
point.
The
needs
I
need
to
make
progress.
E
The
needs
of
Scotland's
key
economic
sectors
are
closely
aligned
with
the
rest
of
the
UK,
whether
its
financial
services
in
Umbra
and
London,
manufacturing
in
Glasgow
in
the
Midlands
or
fisheries
in
the
northeast
and
Cornwall.
The
needs
of
the
Scottish
economy
are
closely
aligned
and
the
best
way
to
achieve
this
is
for
the
Scottish
Government
to
work
closely
with
the
UK
government
to
ensure
Scotland's
interests
are
reflected
in
future
deals.
E
There
is
work
to
be
done
in
this
area,
but
the
Finance
Committee
heard
many
examples
of
how
Scotland's
trading
interests
can
be
fully
reflected
in
future
UK
wide
deals.
The
scotland
office
is
actively
involved
in
developing
trade
policy.
Scotland's
59
MPs
represent
the
interests
of
our
trade
policy
in
the
UK
Parliament,
and
there
are
monthly
policy
roundtables
held
at
senior
official
levels
to
this
trade
policy.
There
is
scope
for
consultation,
that
is
scope
for
scrutiny
and
the
risk
op
for
amendment
to
future
trade
policy,
but
there
should
be
no
veto.
E
U
Very
glad
that
that
consultation
has
been
successful.
Unlike
my
use
of
the
microphone,
it
has
been
a
positive
debate
in
that
regard
and
I
want
to
start
with
Bruce
Crawford's
contribution,
because
it
was
a
very
significant
one
and
a
number
of
members
have
mentioned
it.
He
said
that
the
normal
approach,
the
normal
approach
and
that's
what
clearly
the
committee
heard
in
Brussels
would
be
to
seek
consensus
and
to
have
robust,
formal
structures
to
rely
on,
and
the
issue
of
formal
structures
was
raised
in
this
debate.
U
I
think
in
every
side
of
the
chamber,
by
Jackie
Bailey
by
Tavish,
Scott
by
Neil
Bibby
by
a
range
of
others,
and
of
course
the
tshirt
addressed
this
issue
of
formal
structures
underpinning
trust
very
successfully
at
the
British
Irish.
Council
I've
quoted
him
here
before
when
he
talked
about
the
way
that
Trust
works
within
the
EU.
It
works
because
there
are
formal
structures
which
can
be
relied
on.
So
all
that
this
paper
seeks
to
achieve
is
a
normal
approach.
Abnormal
approach
to
modern
trade
arrangements
and
a
number
of
members
have
made
that
point
as
well.
U
Trade
arrangements
have
changed
in
40
or
50
years.
It
is
important
that
citizens
are
consult
and
the
expectations
of
settled
citizens
in
terms
of
high
environmental
standards.
High
welfare
standards
are
reflected
in
trade
agreements.
A
point
that
patrick
harvie
made
well
in
his
opening
remarks
and
the
only
people
have
stood
against
normality
in
this
debate
are
the
Conservatives.
They
see
it
as
unacceptable
to
have
any
involvement
of
the
titleist
in
this
paper,
and
indeed
the
thing
is
unacceptable.
U
Even
to
discuss
it,
it
is,
you
might
call
it
an
eat,
your
cereal
approach
they
have
given
up
on
debating
what
needs
to
change,
and
it's
really
fascinating
what
we
heard
from
the
toys
this
afternoon
I'm
going
to
talk
about
that,
because
it
shows
what
is
now
happening
in
the
brexit
debate,
because
the
position
the
Tories
are
taken
with
regard,
for
example,
to
the
single
market,
is
abnormal
even
in
their
own
history.
Let
me
quote
a
Lancaster
House
speech,
not
the
rancor
at
Lancaster
House
speech,
but
a
Lancaster
House
speech
of
April,
the
18th
1988.
U
Just
think.
The
speech
goes
that
Pierson
delivering
its
head
for
a
moment,
what
a
prospect
that
is,
a
single
market
without
barriers,
visible
or
invisible,
giving
you
direct
and
unhindered
access
to
the
purchasing
power
of
over
300
million
of
the
world's
wealthiest
and
most
prosperous
people
bigger
than
Japan
bigger
than
the
United
States
on
your
doorstep
and
with
the
channel
tunnel
to
give
you
perfect
access
to
it,
it's
not
a
dream:
it's
not
a
vision.
It's
not
some
bureaucrats
plan
it's
for
real!
That
was
Margaret
Thatcher
in
1988.
U
Now
that's
the
first
and
only
time
I
shall
ever
caught
her
with
approval
in
this
chamber,
but
it
does
show
it
does
show
that
the
Tories
have
turned
their
back,
not
just
on
the
modern
world.
They
have
turned
their
back
on
their
own
recent
history,
they've
turned
their
back
on
the
Iron
Lady
and
they've
turned
their
back.
Also
even
they've
turned
their
back
even
on
their
own
positions
that
they
held
a
matter
of
weeks
or
months
ago.
That
groupthink
has
taken
over
in
the
Tory
party
in
28
of
June
2016,
Adam
Tompkins,
told
this
chamber.
U
Leave
should
mean
that
we
remain
in
the
EU
single
market
that
was
Adam
Tompkins
vote
view
several
days
after
several
days
after
the
referendum,
but
as
breaks
it
now
sinks
into
the
swamp,
along
with
the
Prime
Minister.
These
are
the
last
defenders
of
brexit.
These
are
the
born-again
breaks
the
tears
if
Adam
Tompkins
told
us
today
trying
to
curry
favor
with
the
the
brexit
ears
that
he
did
think
about
voting
for
brexit.
U
Let's
look
just
for
a
second
at
India,
the
reality
of
the
Indian
trade
agreement
with
the
EU,
which
has
not
been
able
to
be
finalized
for
two
reasons:
whydid
mitad
one
is
because
India
wants
to
have
continued
tariffs
in
scotch
whiskey,
and
the
second
reason
is
that
the
UK
would
not
accept
demands
for
access
and
migration.
A
point
made
by
the
Indian
ambassador
to
the
UK
when
he
said
they
weren't
in
a
rush
to
do
the
deal.
That's
the
reality.
U
This
is
a
shimira
that
all
these
countries
are
waiting
to
do
a
deal
and
Dean
lockhardt
I
think
he
was
David,
Cameron's
favorite
Tory
candidate
some
time
ago
there
he
is
he's
arguing
now
about
that.
We
are
about
to
hand
back
to
Brussels
control.
This
comes
from
a
man
who
voted
to
remain,
who
campaign
to
remain?
We
are
talking
about
collaborative
work
by
sovereign
states
and
what
we're
actually
having
is
knee-jerk
brexit
ears
on
the
Tory
benches.
It
is
utterly
shocking.
U
It
is
utterly
shocking
because
it
is
very
damaging,
it's
very
damaging
to
Scotland
and
to
Scottish
interests
what
is
taking
place
and
where
people
have
scotland
looking
round.
No,
they
cannot
look
to
the
Conservatives
to
defend
them
because
they
have
sold
the
breaks
it
passed
completely.
Now
the
reality
is
and
they're
doing
so.
Also
by
misrepresenting
the
issues.
There
is
no
veto.
In
this
paper.
There
consultation
there
is
no
ban
on
consensus,
there's
a
requirement
for
consensus.
Brexit
preparations
drag
set.
U
Preparations
for
business
are
going
ahead,
a
pace
and,
as
Jackie
Bailey
pointed
out
in
terms
of
the
trade
bill,
legislative
consent,
which
will
be
refused
presently
because
of
the
Sewell
issue,
should
also
be
refused,
because
there
has
been
an
unbending
approach
to
listening
to
the
Welsh
government
and
the
Scottish
Government
on
issues
such
as
membership
of
the
trade
remedy
authority,
presiding
officer.
We
have
a
serious
paper
for
seniors
discussion,
I'm
grateful
to
the
members
all
the
members
in
all
the
parties
except
the
Conservatives
who
have
taken
that
point
and
who
wish
to
support
that
debate.
U
I.
Think
we
now
see
what
breaks
that
has
done
to
the
Scottish.
Conservatives
drop
the
words
Scottish.
They
are
simply
conservatives
defending
the
conservative
status
quo,
defending
the
most
incompetent,
the
most
ruinous,
the
most
disastrous
government
that
any
of
us
can
remember
a
government
which
is
now
in
its
final
days.
One
hopes
just
let
us
hope
it
does
not
drag
the
rest
of
us
down
with
it
and
the
Tories
sneer
at
this.
But
let
them
remind
me
of
those
words
of
Margaret
Thatcher
that
I
quoted.
U
V
Thank
you
very
much.
That
concludes
our
debate
on
Scotland's
role
in
the
development
of
future
UK
trade
arrangements.
The
next
item
of
business
is
consideration
of
business
motion.
One
four:
zero:
eight
five
in
the
name
of
cream
d
on
behalf
of
the
parliamentary
Bureau
setting
out
a
revised
business
program,
could
I
ask
if
any
member
of
Jake's
and
I
Colin
grim
D
to
move
the
motion.
I
move,
presiding.
E
V
V
The
first
question
first
question
is
the
amendment
one
four
zero
five,
nine
point:
two
in
the
name
of
Adam
Tompkins,
which
seeks
to
amend
motion
one
four:
zero:
five:
nine
in
the
name
of
Ivan
McKee
on
Scotland
role
in
the
development
of
future
UK
trade
arrangements
be
agreed.
Are
we
all
agreed
or
not
agreed,
we'll
move
to
division?
Members
may
cast
their
votes
now.
V
V
V
The
result
of
the
vote
on
motion
one
four:
zero:
five,
nine
in
the
name
of
Ivan
McKee,
is
yes,
eighty,
four,
no
zero!
There
were
twenty
nine
abstentions
and
the
motion
is
therefore
agreed,
and
that
concludes
decision
time.
We'll
move
on
now
to
members
business,
the
name
of
Stuart
McMillen
on
I
health
week,
2018
I'm
resisting
a
few
moments
for
the
member
and
for
ministers
to
change
seats.