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A
Mostly
to
what
I
what
I
did
was
like,
I
do
a
summary
of
the
chapter,
then
I
do
a
summary
of
my
summary
and
yeah.
I
think
I
mean
I
have
not
in
my
mind,
but
all
the
things
happen,
so
I
can
read
a
bit
what
and
what
she
talked
in
this
chapter
and
then
we
do
some
brainstorming.
A
I
don't
know
what
that's,
but
then.
The
second
was
the
fragility
of
nova
excursion
in
short
fisheries,
and
then
she
drew
like
a
a
conclusion,
but
not
only
from
this
chapter,
but
also
from
other
chapters
of
the
book.
So
the
first
chapter
irrigation
development
process
in
sri
lanka.
It
was
millions
of
dollars
spent
into
development
of
irrigation
in
sri
lanka
and
the
quality
of
body
produced.
There
had
extremely
wrong
in
recent
decade
decades
in
1950,
even
if
the
quantity
of
rice
produced
had
increased
steadily
if
it
was
shorter
than
expected.
A
A
A
A
A
Action
in
1920
to
1958
green,
the
oya
system
was
managed
by
a
subdivisional
officer
responsible
to
the
director
of
irrigation
engineering
was
the
only
person
with
the
power
to
instruct
an
irrigation
overseer
to
release
water
from
the
tank,
where
they're,
responsible,
responsible
for
opening
or
closing
the
headgates.
A
A
That's
why
they
were
incentivized
to
make
it
work
a
conflict
between
the
revenue
department
which
wanted
to
save
crops
and
the
irrigation
department,
which
wanted
a
regular
schedule
until
time
to
maintain
the
bond
and
challenge,
alas,
regularly
requested
delays
in
the
timing
of
water
releases
in
order
to
prevent
destruction
of
the
first
crop,
which
would
lead
to
a
lower
tax
shield
on
the
land.
The
effects
of
such
delays
were
failure
of
the
second
crop
in
many
years
and
a
cumulative
deterioration
in
the
maintainance
of
the
system.
C
C
A
C
Wondering
if
we
could
open
a
little
bit
for
discussion,
thank
you
for
representing.
A
I
I
actually
like
split
it
like,
for
example,
right
now.
If
you
see
the
line
here
this
line,
that
means
like
that's
the
first
things
I
wanted
to
say,
and
then
we
discussed
about
the
first
part
of
the
irrigation
development,
because
that
irrigation
development
had
three
stage
and
that
I
just
read
is
the
first
one
and
yeah.
I
think
we
could
we
can
discuss
in
in
this
one
and
then
we
move
on
the
second
one
and
yeah.
So
I
just
finished
that
one
and
what
what
I
understood
is
like
at
the
beginning.
A
They
there
was
a
like
engineering
staying
their
plan
and
they
didn't
take
in
consideration.
Then
what
the
farmers
were
going
to
do
and
and
that's
why
this
first
step
was
a
bit
of
failure.
D
I
thought
it
was
really
interesting
to
see
the
behavioral
strategies
that
the
individual
farmers
took
in
terms
of
cultivating
the
patty
rice.
You
know
they,
the
the
big
strategy
was
that
you're
trying
to
reduce
labor
and
get
as
much
water
as
you
possibly
could
in
any
way
you
possibly
can,
and
so
you
have
a
bunch
of
farmers
trying
to
get
as
much
water
for
their
their
their
yield
as
they
possibly
can.
D
A
D
A
B
You
know
as
we're
reading
these
books,
I'm
finding
out
things
or
learning
new
facts
that
are
completely
tangential
to
the
material
we're
reading,
but
wow,
just
one
of
the
things
that,
for
some
reason,
piqued
my
interest-
and
I
think
I
will
always
remember-
is
the
you
know
that
rice
fields
themselves
and
you
know
anytime.
You
see
rice
fields,
it's
always
sort
of
like
this.
B
You
know
like
a
little
pool
and
it's
very
wet
and
you
think
of
like
little
pools
of
rice
and
there's
a
line
here.
That
explains
why
the
farmers
of
rice
paddies
over
consumed
water,
and
it's
essentially,
that
the
the
rice
plants
are
extremely
sensitive
to
a
scarcity
of
water,
but
have
no
reaction
to
an
over
abundance
of
water
so
also
because
of
the
kinds
of
crops
that
they
happen
to
have
been
growing
this
and
then
I
guess.
B
The
second
thing
is
that
I
think,
as
you
mentioned
nate
is
that
you
know
somehow
it
didn't
exactly
click
for
me.
How
but
like
the
back
breaking
work
of
picking
the
the
rice
was
alleviated
somewhat
by
having
the
rice
overflowed
over
flooded.
B
So
there
was
incentive
to
overflood
these
fields
because
it
would
be
less
effort,
so
less
human
labor
as
well
as
you
know,
without
consequence
to
to
the
yields.
So
there's
a
lot
of
incentive
for
farmers
to
continue
to
use
as
much
water
as
they
can,
even
if
it
harmed
the
other
farmers
around
them
and
then
there's.
E
B
Line
I
like
I,
don't,
I
hope
it's
okay,
if
I
just
read
it
out
loud,
the
the
structures
of
incentives
facing
many
farmers
reinforces
a
short
term
into
a
into
an
individualistic
strategy
and
discourages
efforts
devoted
to
longer-term
investments
in
the
organizational
structure
needed
to
achieve
collective
action,
and
it's
exactly
you
know.
I
think
that
sentence
really
encapsulates
this.
This
whole
first
section,
which
is
the
individualistic
self-interested
actions
of
each
farmer,
are,
are
right.
You
know
defeat
the
ability
to
have
a
more
sustainable,
collective
good.
C
Yeah
I
had
a
similar
note
on
how
the
incentives
were
like
the
fact
that
the
incentives
were
so
misaligned
was
the
biggest
failure
and
it
seemed
to
be
the
case
and
all
of
the
examples
she
gave
that
that
was
the
biggest
thing
of
when
incentives
are
not
aligned.
That's
the
root
of
conflict
and
all
of
those
examples
that
are
going
wrong
conflict
arises
so
quick.
It's
like
it's
one
of
the
first
things
she
describes
about
the
about
the
the
cpr.
It's
how
conflict
escalates
and
so
yeah.
A
Yeah,
that's
awesome,
okay,
so
that
was
the
the
like,
the
the
first
system
they
had,
but
then
in
in
nine
9109
I
1958
they
changed
the
system
by
the
national
government
in
an
effort
to
make
it
more
democratic.
A
A
A
Landlords
had
some
special
privilege
because
of
that
and
effectively
the
system
had
to
operate
without
the
service
of
coordination
at
the
track
level.
Dispute
among
irrigators
were
sometimes
resolved
in
a
valid
manner
by
the
mid
of
one
1970
control
over
water
depth
was
non-existent.
Although
200
reports
of
water
working
had
been
submitted,
no
one
had
been
officially
pursued.
A
Several
administrative
secretaries
indicates
when
interview
that
they
did
not
file
official
actions
against
irrigators
for
weather
poking,
even
through
the
terrorist
failed
cases
in
the
event
of
non-payment
of
the
agreed
tax
taxes
upon
which
they
depend
for
their
nomination,
and
that
was
like
there
was
no
law
because
like
well.
What
do
you
guys
think.
B
You
know
that
the
part
where,
where
is
it
right?
So
you
know
in
the
mid
1970s?
B
Basically,
water
theft
was
just
status
quo
like
it
was
like
jaywalking
right
like
technically
it's
against
the
law,
but
you'll
never
get
arrested
for
it.
You
know
and
yeah
wait.
There
was
something
else.
I
wanted
to
point
out:
yeah
yeah
yeah
about
the
velvetines,
so
they
were
elected
locally,
but
but
they
reported
to
the
assistant
government
agency
employed
by
the
revenue
department
right.
B
So
it's
like
the
agency
of
the
department
and
the
committee
of
the
so
there's
like
all
of
these
layers
of
bureaucracy,
and
it
seems
as
if
you
know,
sort
of
a
few.
You
know
a
few
pages
later
when
these
were
when
these
were,
I
guess
discontinued.
Then
you
know
some
system
was
put
in
place.
That
would
actually
have
some
communal
input,
so
the
the
people
that
were
were
sort
of
controlling
the
or
monitoring
the
abuses
of
the
water
of
the
shared
system
had
no
responsibility
to
the
community.
B
They
were
not
part
of
the
community
and
they
didn't
have
any
accountability
to
the
community
and
yeah.
I
think
that's
that's
something
that
can
often
result
in
negligence.
B
B
E
I
also
want
to
point
out
on
page
166,
where
she
points
numbers
five,
internal
factors
that
she
thinks
influenced
in
the
failure
of
the
of
the
kitty
in
the
oya
farmers.
E
And
what
I
want
to
say
about
this
is
that
these
interactors
are
in
most
of
the
apr's
institutions,
because
the
he
recommends
for
the
cpr
is
usually
like
small
and
we
we
try
to
make
it
like
a
large
number
of
people
and
that,
like
it's
harder
for
for
the
cpr
institution
to
be
endurable
and
it
it
also
like
connects
some
internal
factors,
external
factors,
because
we
saw
in
the
last
week
that,
inter,
inter
one
factor
that
influenced
on
the
failure
of
a
constitutional.
E
For
these
changes,
so
for
me
it's
very
different
the
reasons
of
why
the
cpr
institutions
failed
in
turk
in
turkey
and
why.
E
The
cpr,
so
yes,
what
I
wanted
to
post
is.
E
That
are
present
in
the
different
in
the
different
cpr
institutions
that
makes
them
really
complex
and
all
of
them
are
very
complex.
The
reason
of
why
one
fail,
the
other
one
fails,
is
different.
Comparing
the
case
between
turkey
and
and
the
case
where
he
seen
here
in
sri
lanka.
A
Awesome,
thank
you
so
then,
okay,
then
the
cultivation
committees
were
abolished
all
together
in
1977
and
their
functions
were
given
to
appointed
cultivation.
Officers
among
this
change
was
made
in
1980
to
create
an
elect
a
truck
leader
chosen
and
paid
by
the
farmers
track.
Leaders
are
supposed
to
follow
the
orders
of
the
cultivation
officers.
A
Many
settlements
are
heterogeneous,
composed
of
individuals
coming
from
different
regions.
The
result
has
been
to
exaggerate
siblings,
tribularies
within
families
and
encourage
young
men
to
seek
opportunities
elsewhere.
These
are
difficult
problems
to
overcome.
The
situation
facing
appropriators
in
switch
system
is
one
or
inexorable
tragedy.
A
D
Yeah,
so
one
thing
that
always
gets
me
that
I
keep
thinking
about
in
terms
of
you
know
imagining
how
we
apply
kind
of
technology
and
the
cpr
settings
today
and
kind
of
give
it
a
decentralized
nature
to
it
compared
to
what
we've
already
built.
Is
that
there's
a
distinct
difference
between
analyzing,
institutional
change
in
terms
of
implementing
a
method
of
governance
over
a
cpr
setting
versus
changing
something?
That's
already
been
built,
so
a
lot
of
these
situations.
You
know
you
don't
have
infrastructure
at
all,
and
so
you
slowly
build
that
infrastructure.
D
That,
in
hindsight,
is
a
lot
more
difficult
that
than
it
is
to
actually
build
it
from
scratch
in
the
first
place,
and
so
I
think,
that's
really
kind
of
an
important
aspect
to
think
about
when
it
comes
to
what
we're,
especially
what
you
know,
the
vision
here
at
common
stack
is
and
stuff
like
that
is
that
we're
dealing
with
entrenched
institutions
of
managing
of
these?
These
structures
and
to
overcome
that
it
it
takes
a
different
approach,
so
yeah.
C
I
thought
an
interesting
point
to
that,
too,
was
that
he
talks
about
how
engineers
strongly
identified
with
building
and
the
first
stages
of
putting
some
something
up,
but
they
didn't
have
so
much
esteem
like
they
weren't
recognized
or
it
wasn't
the
prestigious
part
of
their
profession
to
maintain
the
the
structures
that
they
created
and
to
operate
them.
C
So
I
feel
like
there
is
also
it's
easy
to
get
into
this
mentality
that
it's
so
hard
to
change,
something
because
there
is
no
even
personnel
that
have
some
type
of
knowledge
into
like
maintenance
and
modification
of
a
system
that
already
exists
that
people
were
all
about
like
just
building
a
new
one
and
and
not
being
there.
B
My
comment
is
going
to
be
quick.
I
think
there's
something
over
to
go
back
to
what
juan
carlos
was
saying
about
these.
The
five
points
that
are
the
five
internal
factors
and
one
of
them
being
that
most
of
the
farmers
were
poor
settlers
who've
been
basically
relocated
and
had
no
attachment
to
the
land,
and
then
you
know,
even
the
engineers
thought
that
the
farmers
were
not
capable
of.
You
know
managing
for
themselves
right,
so
there's
just
mistrust
built
into
it.
You
know,
there's
just
you
know.
B
There's
these
are
these
these
weren't,
these
weren't
members
of
a
community
who
had
ties
into
the
cpr.
You
know
they
were
laborers,
and
I
think
that
takes
something
away.
You
not
not
take
something
away,
but
there's
something
like
the
the
the
lack
of
feeling
that
there's
an
ownership
of
something
you
know
contributes
to
sort
of
the
reckless
is
the
wrong
word,
but
it's
more
like
it
contributes
to
the
the
like
lackadaisical
reaction
to
caring
for
that
something.
You
know
it's
not
something
that
you
own
and
that
you
value
yeah.
A
Okay,
so
the
the
next
like
there
was
a
dramatic
turnaround
story
has
occurred
on
the
left
bank
of
the
gael
oya
irrigation
project.
The
system
has
three
major
divisions:
the
river
division,
the
right
bank
and
the
left
bank
channel
had
not
been
maintained
and
their
banks
were
broken
and
sheltered.
A
The
arctic
corner
team
on
consideration
rejected
the
goal
stated
in
the
project
plan
to
devise
the
test
a
single
model
of
firmware
organization.
Instead,
the
rt
corner
team
choosing
to
introduce
catalyst
into
a
situation
of
mutual
distrust
and
unpredictability,
then
the
the
ios
were
created
could
be.
That
would
be
college
radioactive
because
in
sri
lanka
there
was
a
lot
of
highest
educational
level
among
less
developed
countries,
and
applicants
were
recruited
with
farm
backgrounds.
A
The
ios
received
about
6
weeks
of
training
and
ios
was
expected
first
to
meet
its
fermi
farmers
sharing
water.
After
becoming
familiar
with
a
small
group
of
farmers,
sharing
the
same
field
channel
to
plan
self-help
strategies.
Instead
of
establishing
a
predefined
organization,
the
io
tried
to
form
working
community
to
solve
particular
problems.
A
A
The
rt
cornell
provide
discussion
between
the
farmers
and
engineers.
Farmers
were
expected
to
contribute
labor
to
rehabilitation
and
maintainance
to
convince
the
engineers
that
the
high
levels
of
labor
contribution
were
far
more
likely
if
the
farmers
were
consulted
during
the
design
stages
of
the
rehabilitation.
By
the
time
the
design
phase
was
initiated.
A
A
Farmer
behavior
has
changed
markedly
since
the
evolution
of
new
institutions
for
collective
action.
The
result
of
that
effort
was
an
additional
1000
acres,
broad
under
civil
utilization,
benefiting
300
families.
Farmers
have
regularly
participated
in
groups.
Projects
are
organized
by
their
own
fcos.
A
A
A
E
Yes,
I
think
it's
very
related
to
what
all
are
doing.
We
all
are
doing
in
our
efforts
and
especially
soft
gob
gravity,
transparency,
legal.
Those
are
very,
very,
very
related
to
all
this
that
we
are
reading
in
these
chapters.
C
I
actually
cried
when
I,
when
I
read
this
chapter.
I
think
I
was
so
sensitive
today,
but
it
was
so
beautiful
when
there
was
the
solution
of,
like
simply
people
coming
with
the
willingness
to
help
and
they
were
divided
in
this
in
these
groups,
and
it
gave
all
the
fractal
structure
that
that
made
people
that
basically
brought
peace,
because
people
wanted
so
much
to
solve
the
situation.
C
And
it
brings
back
to
something
she
mentioned
in
another
chapter
that
it's
not
because
people
want
to
be
in
this
like
forever
competition
and
sucking
all
the
resources
and
like
behaving
in
a
way.
That
is
bad
for
everyone.
It's
just
because
they
don't
know
how
to
organize
each
other
and
then
something
like
simple
as
that,
just
students
that
were
willing
to
collaborate
with
the
situation
and
willing
to
move
to
the
place.
And
I
think
that
was
important
because
they
were
getting
closer
to
the
issue.
C
They
were
like
putting
themselves
in
there
and
understanding
what
were
the
becoming
familiar
with
the
farmers
and
their
problems
and
just
then
proposing
very
local
solutions
to
those
groups
of
12
to
15
farmers.
C
F
All
right,
I
I've
been
a
horrible
community
member.
I
have
not
been
a
part
of
the
doubt
book
club
I
apologize.
F
F
No
okay?
So
it's
really
interesting,
so
that
book
is
a
catalyst
to
various
economies.
It's
not
widely
talked
about,
but
it
is
a
very,
very
classical
book.
F
The
the
point
of
utopia,
though
there's
many
but
one,
is
the
fact
that
it's
told
from
a
third
person
perspective
of
someone
going
somewhere
to
an
island
where
the
community
itself
actually
engages
in
what
you're
actually
talking
about.
It's
really
wild-
and
I
would
also
like
to
for
this
moment
just
because
how
to
say
this.
F
So
government
comes
from
farming,
so
the
first
farmers
were
the
first,
the
actual
initial
creation
of
government,
because
at
one
time
you
know
if
you
can
teach
a
man
to
fish
he'll
fish
for
his
life.
If
you
give
him
a
fish,
he'll
eat
for
a
day,
we
all
know
that
that's
kind
of
where
government
came
in
because
they
started
creating
fish
for
themselves
to
give
to
the
people.
F
So
people
lost
their
ability
to
fish.
So
it's
not
really
actually
a
tribe,
it
becomes
something
centralized
and
and
and
our
our
our
roughest.
Understanding
of
that
is
that
system
that
point
of
control,
so
anyways
there's
a
book
called
guns,
germs
and
steel
and
the
fates
of
human
societies,
and
it's
wrote
by
jared
diamond
and
he's
a
pulitzer
prize
winner
for
that
book,
and
it's
fantastic
and
it's
explanatory
power
of
how
we
are
where
we
are,
and
he
is
a
professor
of
biology
and
no
geology.
F
Excuse
me
he's
a
professor
of
geology
at
berkeley
anyways,
so
those
two
books
on
top
of
this
book,
which
is
just
god.
I
should
read
this,
I'm
such
a
horrible
community
member.
F
F
I
kind
of
want
to
talk
about
the
algonquin,
because
I
think
I
had
something
rolling
a
while
back
about
the
algonquin
nation,
because
it's
huge
that
was
another
book
gods
of
war
gods
of
peace
and
how
early
religion
shaped
native
america,
because
what's
really
interesting
about
this
and
and
I'll
oppose
this
to
the
community
itself,
is
what
happened
to
the
mohawk.
F
So
the
mohawk
was
this
incredible
warrior
nation
and
they
were
the
defense
of
the
algonquin
and
their
their
ties
to
the
nation
were
incredible
then,
like
you
would
have
you
would
you
have
to
try
and
imagine
that
nothing
could
be
stronger,
but
yet
they
were
broken
and
they
weren't
broken
because
of
christianity.
F
They
weren't
broken
because
they
were
defeated
by
a
stronger
military
power.
They
weren't
the
british,
didn't
know
what
the
to
do
with
the
mohawk.
They
they
were.
They
were
a
stronger
force
than
they
were
because
they
fought
an
entirely
different
way
of
battle,
but
yet
they
were
broken.
So
why
were
they
defeated
because
the
mohawk.
F
They
accepted
commerce,
they
went
from,
they
were,
they
were
hunters
and
gatherers,
and
that
was
a
big
part
of
their
way
of
life
and
because
the
british
could
monetize
their
goods,
they
found
out
that
badger,
pelts
or
beaver
pelts.
The
fur,
the
hide,
was
actually
valuable
and
there
was
a
market
for
it
in
europe.
F
So
self-interest
really
really
destroyed
the
mohawk
and
in
turn,
unfortunately,
that
catalyst
was
huge
in
destroying
the
algonquin
as
a
whole.
D
Yeah,
I
think
it's
interesting
to
see
like
how
community
and
especially
government
and
the
context
of
like
cpr
settings
in
general,
like
if
you
look
at
you,
know
the
sri
lanka.
If
you
look
at
their
history,
I'm
looking
at
the
wiki
right
now
of
like
their
the
kind
of
turmoil
that
they
were
going
through
and
to
have
people
who,
like
came
together,
like
they
did
here,
to
actually
create
a
system
to
manage
these.
You
know
this.
D
This
irrigation
of
the
of
these
places
and,
in
the
context
of
basically
a
coup
d'etat
and
a
civil
war
at
the
time
and
create
value
for
their
community,
is
pretty
pretty
impressive,
especially
when
you
have
such
diverse
cultural
aspects
of
it.
I
think,
like
part
of
like
what
ocean
forgets
about,
is
to
to
take
in
consideration
the
state
and
their
role
in
everything
and
and
how
they
approach
these
types
of
settings
like
what
do
they
benefit
out
of
it?
Are
they
getting
stuff
off
of
this
land
as
well?
A
Yeah,
that's
some
feedback
guys
and
contributions.
What
related
to
the
checkbook?
I
think
that's
a
really
good
book.
I
really
want
to
read
after
ostrom,
but
I
by
myself
I
think
it's
a
very
good
book.
A
The
first
time
you
mentioned
that
I
I
was
so
excited
and,
and
then
the
facility
of
nova
scotia
in
shore
fishes.
I
that
that's
like
another
case
is
not
related
to
the
password
and
and
that's
some
fragile
institutions
devised
by
cprs
appropriators
are
still
in
use
and
effective.
The
eastern
coast
of
canada
is
thought
with
small
fishing
village.
A
A
Most
of
the
fishing
village
along
the
southwestern
coast
of
nova
scotia
have
broadly
defined
fishing
territories.
The
offshore
boats
also
go
considerably
further
to
see.
Herring
and
merkel.
Kill
nets
are
set
in
rectangular
areas
beyond
the
harbour
but
close
to
shore.
If
they
were
set
further
insured,
they
would
restrict
travel
in
and
out
of
the
harbor
and,
if
set
further
to
see,
they
could
be
destroyed
by
the
strong
currents.
A
Basically,
the
poor
lamerum
fishers
have
divided
their
territory
on
pragmatic
grounds,
reflect
practical
and
informal
resource
management
strategies
developed
by
a
community
of
fishermen
through
years
of
experience.
Not
all
technologies
are
mutual,
mutually
compatible.
Four
of
the
captains
purchased
offshore
chromefield
nets
in
1975.
A
dispose
of
that
year
by
1
1980.
The
division
of
the
territory
into
zones
produced
the
external
externally
external
lights
that
the
use
of
one
technology
might
impose
on
others,
but
also
constitute
a
low
cost
for
affording
a
reasonable
yield
of
all
participants.
The
cost
of
monitoring
and
portioning
skin
based
on
an
easily
observable
factor
what
technology
a
boat
is
using
is
much
lower.
A
They
see
themselves
as
having
exclusive
rights
to
their
lobster
territory.
In
addition,
they
exercise
the
right
of
first
access
on
the
right
to
refuse
access
in
years
of
scarcity
to
the
remaining
zone.
The
years
of
scarcity
are
when
conflict
can
erupt
policing
their
boundaries
is
something
that
all
fissures
do.
A
This
rule
system
is
fragile
because
it
is
not
recognized
by
federal
authorities
in
canada.
The
federal
stance
to
our
local
rules
has
been
exactly
the
opposite.
Federal
officials
presume
that
the
entire
eastern
coast
is
open
access.
Fishery
solutions
are
available,
prevent
property
rights
and
govern
government
regulation.
A
Many
of
the
governments.
Initial
steps
have
been
related
to
efforts
to
license
fishing
vessels,
given
that
money,
full-time
and
part-time
fishers
feel
that
the
licensing
is
only
beginning
of
an
effort
to
reduce
the
number
of
fishers
in
the
industry
who
were
not
currently
active
in
fishing,
obtain
commercial
fishing
licenses.
A
Canadian
policy
has
been
to
develop
one
standard
set
of
regulations
for
the
entire
coast.
If
future
canadian
policies
produce
still
further
counterproductive
reactions
of
the
part
of
the
fishers,
they
might
fail
to
gain
control
of
the
open
access.
Deep
sea
fish
figuring
and
lost
control
of
some
insurance
fisheries
previously
subject
to
entry
control,
the
loba
set
of
nested
rules
that
would
help
enforce
the
local
regulations
that
have
been
developed
over
the
years.
While
focusing
most
of
new
regulatory
efforts
on
the
far
offshore
fisheries
that
are
indeed
open
access,
then
this
fragile
rule
system
could
survive.
A
A
A
That
that
was
basically
a
fragile
common
and
since
the
there
was
like
they
were
local
local
fisher
with
a
small
boat
and
and
then
the
government
intervened
and
that's
what
broke
away
the
system.
But
at
the
beginning
it
was
working
good.
When
the
small
boats
were
just
fishing
and
taking
care
of
the
common
but
yeah,
then
it
got
interrupted
by
federal
and
got
some
problems.
B
I
like
in
this
chapter,
how
she
refers
back
to
chapter
one
specifically
around.
F
B
You
know
we,
we
know
that
there's
public,
private,
public
property
and
private
property,
but
it's
hard
to
think
of
an
alternative
to
those
two
and
it's
it's
very
easy
to
think
of
those
two
as
the
most
effective
because
of
the
scarcity
of
cprs
for
successful
cprs
and
this
nova
scotia
example
is
really
interesting,
because
there's
generations
and
generations
and
generations
who
have
built
this
probably
difficult
to
achieve
and
maintain
and
manage
a
governance
system.
B
Self-Governance
system-
and
you
know
the
government
probably
well-intentioned-
tries
to
have
some
sort
of
uniform
rule
around
fishing
in
the
coast
of
the
whole
country,
and
almost
I
I
mean
I
would
imagine
almost
accidentally
treads
on
this
like
successful
cpr.
B
I
don't
know
that
that
was
their
intention.
Their
intention
was
probably
just
to
have
uniform
rules
along
the
coast,
but
it's
like
you
know,
like
a
big,
clumsy
giants,
who
just
steps
on
this
little
cpr,
who
has
been
functioning
so
nicely
for
many
generations.
B
Yeah,
it's
you
know
it's
when,
when
governments
try
to
create
order
and
rules,
you
know
their
their
intention
is
probably
very
positive,
but
in
this
case
the
result
was
that
it
affected
the
people
who
had
you
know.
You
can
only
imagine
through
lots
of
negotiations
and
lots
of
like
small
town
meetings
and
have
structured
this
fairly
careful
governance
system
and
then
didn't
have
the
right
to
hold
on
to
it,
and
it
goes
to
ostrom's
eighth
principle
that
commons
works
best
when
they're
nested
within
larger
networks.
A
Awesome,
thank
you
tom,
then,
at
the
at
the
end
of
the
chapter.
What
eleanor
do
is
lessons
to
be
learned
from
comparing
the
cases
and
what
I
highlighted
is
like.
Those
institutions
have
already
shown
themselves
capable
of
surviving
for
30
or
40
years,
so
they
are
robust
and
then
what
I
really
liked
was
this
table.
A
D
This,
I
always
love
the
chart
that
evaluates
systems,
so
that
made
it
very
easy
to
read.
You
know,
and
it
just
depends
on
the
context
of
a
lot
of
things.
I
think
I
think
it's
very
valuable
to
have
and
to
think
in
this
way,
and
she
does
a
great
job
of
highlighting
those
areas
that
need
to
be
evaluated
and
but
I
think,
they're
more
to
it
than
that
anything
anytime.
You
have
any
system
that
is
nested
within
another
system.
E
E
But
I
really
like
it
and
I
really
like
the
the
the
this
chart
because,
like
it
explains
the
whole
book,
like
we've,
been
reading
a
lot
of
cases
and
each
case
is
different
from
the
other,
and
each
case
has
some
success
rate
and
some
failure
rate
and,
and
some
of
the
failures
of
some
of
the
cases
are
different
from
from
the
other
cases.
But
I
I
think
that
one
of
the
strengths
of
these
eight
principles
to
to
to
measure
institutional
performance
is
that
they
are
somewhat
neutral.
E
They
they
they.
They
are
not
like
a
criteria
that
that
changes
from
case
to
case,
but
it's
a
criteria
that
stays
the
same,
even
if,
if
you
choose
different
cases
to
compare
so
I
I
really
like
this
chart
and
another
thing
that
I
remember
is
that
she
said
that
the
failuring
institutions
only
had
at
at
maximum
three
principles
so
like
after
three
principles,
you
you
can
say
like.
E
So
I
think
that
yes,
it
would
be
right,
like
really
nice,
if
in
dc,
you
can
like
this
chart
and
say
and
have
like
a
checklist
of
yes,
yes
and
recognize,
which
are
like
the
points
that
we
should
keep
improving
like
here.
It
says:
nr
is
not
relevant
in
in
the
first
two
cases,
so
we
should
also
identify
which,
which
are
our
which
weak
points
right
now
and
which
points
are
also
not
so
much
relevant
for
our
purpose.
G
I
I
noticed
something
in
there
that
I
was
expecting
to
see
but
didn't-
and
maybe
she
was
thinking
about
it,
but
I
think
a
scale
is
a
great
variable
to
have
in
there,
because
those,
yes
and
no
marks
are
really
dependent
on
how
big
or
how
small
the
the
the
cprs
are.
G
So
if
we
compare
an
organization
that
has
all
of
the
checks
marked,
but
it's
only
a
smaller
an
organization
or
let's
say
a
hundred
or
not
even
a
thousand
pairs
of
persons
in
there,
it
can
be
another
valuable
thing
too
to
analyze.
G
So
I
was
expecting
maybe
or
update
this
table
and
see
how
many
people
were
where
in
there
in
that
participating
as
a
cpr,
because
we
know,
as
things
go
up
and
the
scale
everything
tends
to
to
break.
C
I
really
like
that
even
having
this
very
formal
chart
that
it's
very
like
a
metric
reading,
the
examples
it
gives
so
much
the
human
depth
to
it
and
understanding
what
are
those
metrics
made
off
and
they
are
so
yeah
they're,
so
human.
It's
so
much
talking
about
trust,
about
reputation
about
feeling
each
other
and
the
community
about
collaboration.
C
So
it's
really
cool
to
think
that
most
of
the
metrics
that
exist
in
in
in
organizations,
institutions,
corporations
or
whatever
it
is
they're
they're
always
rooted
in
in
humans
and
in
human
relations,
and
we
are
on
the
top
of
the
hour
and
thank
you
so
much
zap
for
guiding
us
here,
and
that
was
great.
A
C
C
E
B
You
know
I've
been
looking
and
I
actually
find
it
difficult
to
figure
out
if
we
like.
There's
these
two
evaluating
costs,
evaluating
benefits
of
evaluating
costs
on
198,
and
I
feel
like
yeah,
maybe
after
maybe
up
to
evaluating
costs
on
198,
so
182
to
198
and
then
198
to
216.