►
Description
Working Session Dockets #1186, #1215, #1216, #1273 & #1275 - Amending City Council electoral districts
To view part 2 of this hearing please visit:
https://youtu.be/5BDQ8kBkMhM
A
A
A
A
Yesterday
afternoon,
Monday
October
25th
as
chair
of
the
committee
on
redistricting
I,
intend
to
submit
a
committee
report
at
Wednesday's
city
council
meeting
under
the
matters
recently
heard
portion
of
the
agenda.
It
is
my
intention
to
recommend
the
council
take
action
on
one
of
the
dockets
president
presently
before
the
committee.
This
final
working
session
is
for
counselors
to
review
data
analysis,
presented
and
discuss
potential
language,
which
may
appear
in
a
new
draft
presented
by
the
chair,
a
note
on
demographic
data
coding
methodology
for
redistricting
purposes.
A
The
esri
mapping
software
follows
the
conventions
recommended
by
the
Department
of
Justice
in
their
September
1st
2021
guidance
on
the
use
of
racial
and
ethnicity,
data
and
redistricting.
This
differs
from
other
commonly
used
commonly
reported
race
and
ethnicity
groupings,
in
that
it
groups.
Those
reported
reporting,
two
races,
one
white
and
one
non-white
as
being
members
of
the
non-white
race
reported.
A
Districtor
is
an
online
mapping
tool
which
allows
for
convenient
sharing
of
online
Maps,
but
the
racial
demographic
breakdowns
should
be
referred
to
as
a
rough
estimate.
Only
official
demographic
breakdowns
for
redistricting
purposes
should
rely
on
the
data
presented
through
the
esri
redistricting
esri
redistricting,
using
the
Department
of
Justice
criteria.
A
This
morning
the
committee
received
a
memorandum
from
Dr
Moon
duchin
and
Chanel
Richardson
at
the
MDG
redistricting
lab
a
research
group
at
Tisch
College
of
Tufts
University
Dr
dushen
spoke
with
counselors
at
last
Friday's
working
session,
and
the
memo
covers
the
effectiveness
of
electoral
opportunities
in
city
council
districts.
The
memo
has
been
distributed
to
all
counselors
and
unfortunately,
Dr
Moon
is
unable
to
join
us.
This
morning,
I
will
read
the
executive
summary.
A
We
reviewed
all
elections
initially
provided
to
us
by
city
council
staff
and
identified
three
with
clear
overall
Citywide
people
of
condor
people
of
color
candidates
of
choice.
We
built
an
Effectiveness
score
from
districts
by
measuring
the
performance
of
those
candidates
in
the
districts.
Other
elections
could
easily
have
been
used
for
this,
but
we
selected
three
contests
to
illustrate
an
Effectiveness
analysis
under
the
time
constraints
of
the
compressed
city
council
process,
all
five
of
the
Cities,
the
council's
original
proposed
Maps
score
quite
low
for
for
this
Effectiveness
score
compared
to
other
ways
of
dividing
up
districts.
A
The
baker
map
is
slightly
less
effective
than
all
of
the
others,
which
are
equal.
All
five
new
proposed
Maps
received
on
October
25th,
also
received
the
same
scores
as
the
original
proposals.
This
means
that
there
is
not
much
variety
on
the
table
yet
from
the
effectiveness
point
of
view,
you
can
view
scores
and
stats
for
all
of
the
maps
in
this
spreadsheet
of
data,
including
compactness,
demographics
and
and
some
electoral
results
below.
We
present
four
examples
of
different
ways
of
configuring
selected
districts
in
significant
to
significantly
increase
Effectiveness.
A
A
Looking
at
the
2021
mayoral
campaign,
primary
Dr
dushan's
finding
is
conclusion:
it
is
not
clear
to
a
high
level
of
certainty
that
the
groups-
black
Latino
and
aapi
support
the
same
candidate.
There
is
likely
to
be
more
cohesion
within
neighborhoods
than
in
than
is
seen
city-wide,
but
the
city-wide
patterns
for
Latino
and
for
aapi
voters
are
unclear.
A
What
is
clear
is
Citywide
polarization,
different
preferences
between
overall
people
of
color
and
overall
white
voters.
In
this
context,
Dr
edition's
memo
also
discusses
Effectiveness
scores.
We
will
come
back
to
this
memo
during
Consular
discussion
this
morning.
At
this
time,
I
would
like
to
recognize
two
renowned
experts
joining
us,
virtually
as
invited
guests
attorney
Jeff
Weiss
Adjunct,
professor
and
Senior
fellow
at
the
New
York
law
school
and
a
specialist
in
legislative,
redistricting
and
Dr
Lisa
Hadley
of
voting
a
data
analysis.
B
We
can
see
you
okay,
great
well
good
morning,
everyone,
it's
good
to
be
here
before
we
hear
from
Dr
Handley
I'm
going
to
take
a
moment
or
two
just
to
review
the
the
legal
principles
that
you
need
to
follow
during
this
remaining
days
of
the
process.
Basically,
the
United
States
Constitution
and
the
Federal
Voting
Rights
Act,
and
this
was
summarized
in
a
memorandum
of
October
9th
that
I
had
submitted
to
the
city
Corporation
Council
and
which
some
which
most
of
you.
B
The
second
principle
at
the
at
the
federal
level,
is
the
Voting
Rights
Act
and
the
Voting
Rights
Act
is
essentially
ensures
that
Minority
voting
rights
are
considered
and
that
where
there
are
significantly
high
levels
of
racially
polarized
voting,
this
is
something
that
Dr
Hanley
will
get
into.
You
may
be
required
to
create
districts,
work
voters
to
elect
there
for
minority
voters
to
elect
their
preferred
candidates
of
choice.
B
The
other
remaining
Federal
principle
is
the
14th
Amendment
to
the
Constitution
that
prevents
racial
gerrymandering
and
that
prohibits
the
drawing
of
maps
that
excessively
segregate
voters
on
account
of
race.
So
you're,
looking
at
the
Voting
Rights
Act
to
prevent
minority
vote,
dilution
that
you're
not
bringing
districts
too
low
in
minority
population
to
deny
the
minority
voters
the
opportunity
to
elect
their
preferred
candidate
and
again,
this
occurs
where
there
are
where
there
is
evidence
of
high
levels
of
racially
polarized
voting
or,
as
we
call
it
legally
significant.
B
The
other
law
that
you're
going
to
need
to
follow
is
the
Boston
City
Charter,
and
that
contains
three
freestanding
criteria.
One
uncut
Magnus
that
a
district
should
have
a
minimum
distance
between
all
parts
of
a
district.
The
second
one
is
contiguity
that
all
parts
of
a
district
need
to
be
connected
at
some
point
with
the
rest
of
the
district
and
that
the
district's,
including
T
Miss
precincts,
and
then
the
last
criteria
is
the
preservation
of
neighborhoods
that
you
respect
boundaries
of
Boston's,
recognized
neighborhoods.
To
the
extent
that
you
can
now.
B
There
are
other
non-binding
criteria:
they're,
not
anywhere
in
federal
law
or
city
law,
such
as
communities
of
interest,
bans
on
partisan
gerrymandering
or
maintaining
cores
of
existing
districts.
Those
are
not
criteria
that
you'll
find
in
law,
but
something
that
could
guide
you,
but
they
are
not
prioritized.
They
are
not
required,
they're
simply
suggestive.
B
C
C
So
I
am
a
social
scientist.
I'm,
not
a
lawyer,
and
what
I'm
going
to
do
is
talk
to
you
about
an
analysis
of
voting
patterns
that
I
did
that
is
relevant
to
the
law,
but
any
legal
questions
will
be
directed
towards
Jeff.
Although
he'll
have
to
look
to
me
to
see
what
the
numbers
have
to
say,
I
want
to
talk
about
drawing
districts
that
comply
with
the
Voting
Rights
Act,
so
section
two
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act,
unlike
Section
5
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act,
which
was
done
away
with
by
the
Supreme
Court
in
2013.
C
Section
two
prohibits
any
voting
standard
for
procedure,
including
a
redistricting.
The
results
in
the
denial
or
division
of
the
of
the
minority
voting
district
section
2
was
amended
in
1982
to
make
it
clear
that
you
don't
have
to
show
intentional
discrimination.
In
other
words,
you
don't
have
to
intend
it
to
discriminate,
but
a
plan
could
still
have
the
effect
of
discriminating
against
minorities.
C
C
So
our
districting
plan
that
violates
the
abetting
rights
act
does
one
of
two
things.
It
either
cracks
the
minority
Community
a
geographically
compact
minority,
Community
across
districts,
so
they
are
unable
to
elect
minority,
prefer
candidates
in
any
one
District
or,
if
obliged,
to
create
at
least
one
District.
They
pack
minority
voters
into
the
into
a
single
District,
so
that
Minority
voters
have
an
opportunity
to
elect
a
candidate
of
choice
in
only
one
district
and
not
in
any
of
the
four.
In
this
example
surrounding
this.
C
The
minority
group
must
be
politically
cohesive.
By
that
we
mean
to
have
to
vote
the
same,
and
whites
must
vote
as
a
block
to
usually
defeat
minority
preferred
candidates,
and
how
do
we
know
this?
We
know
this
by
doing
what's
called
a
racial
block
voting
analysis.
This
is
a
statistical
analysis
to
determine
whether
minority
votes
voters
are
politically
cohesive
and
whether
whites
are
block
voting
to
usually
defeat
minority.
C
So
that's
what
I've
done
in
this
case-
and
this
is
what
and
I'm
today
I'm
going
to
report
to
you
the
results
of
this.
But
first
let
me
explain
what
we're
doing.
Of
course,
we
don't
have
the
race
of
the
voter
who
cast
the
vote,
so
we're
going
to
do
a
statistical
analysis,
we're
going
to
use
aggregate
level
data
precincts
in
Boston
of
the
smallest
unit
for
which
election
returns
are
reported,
so
we're
going
to
use
a
Precinct
level
database
and
we
need
two
pieces
of
information
about
this
freezing.
C
C
Now,
in
the
cell,
in
a
lot
of
jurisdictions,
we
actually
know
the
turnout
by
race
in
precincts,
but
in
Boston
we
substituted
the
voting
age
population
and
this
information
was
actually
available
online
at
analyze,
Boston
to
analyze,
Boston
website,
it's
2020,
Census
Data.
It's
called
the
pl
94
171
redistricting
database
reported
at
the
precinct
level,
so
I
was
able
to
take
Precinct
election
returns
and
this
demographic
data
combine.
C
C
C
Well,
you
have
a
handful
of
white
homogeneous
precincts,
but
you
do
not
have
any
black
Hispanic
or
Asian
homogeneous
persons,
so
instead
we're
using
I'm
using
two
methods,
statistical
methods,
one
is
called
ecological
regression
analysis
and
the
others
called
ecological
inference
analysis
that
ecological
regression
analysis
has
been
around
for
a
very
long
time.
This
was
used
by
the
expert
in
in
Thornburg
Virginia
that
and
homogeneous
Precinct
analysis
were
the
only
two
statistical
techniques
that
existed
at
that
time.
C
Since
Thornburg
was
decided,
a
professor
at
Harvard
by
the
name
of
Eric
King,
developed
ecological
inference.
This
is
harder
to
explain,
but
it
is
more
accurate
than
ecological
regression.
At
this
point,
I
use
ecological
regression
as
a
check
on
my
ecological
influence
numbers
and
as
a
easy
way
to
explain
what
it
is
that
I'm
doing.
Let
me
start
with
ecological
regression.
C
This
is
a
real
County
in
Georgia.
This
is
the
2020
one
U.S
Senate
runoff,
with
Warnock
I
mentioned
earlier,
that
there
are
some
Southern
jurisdictions
that
actually
give
us
turn
out
by
race,
and
Georgia
is
one
of
them
so
long.
The
horizontal
axis
is
the
proportion
of
the
turnout
that
was
blackbirds,
so
0.4
means
that
40
of
the
voters
in
that
particular
Precinct
were
black
voters
along
the
vertical
access
is
the
percentage
of
votes
for
Warnock,
so
we're
going
to
place
each
of
our
precincts
on
this
What's
called
the
scatter
plot.
C
C
You
could
get
an
estimate
of
a
hundred
and
twenty
percent
of
black
voters
supported
or
not
so
alone
came
Gary
King
and
developed
a
very
sophisticated
statistical
technique
that
gets
us
around
that
now,
instead
of
every
Precinct
being
a
point
as
it
was
on
the
previous
Brown
and
this
tomographic
plot,
every
Precinct
is
a
line
that
shows
all
of
the
possibilities.
Given
the
two
things
we
know
about
the
precinct,
and
that
is
the
demographic
composition
and
the
voting
patterns.
C
They
tend
to
be
pretty
close
together,
especially
in
the
South,
where
you
have
turned
out
by
race,
and
here
is
the
results
of
that
analysis
in
this
Georgia
County.
You
can
see
that
somewhere
between
94.4
and
94.9
percent
of
black
voters
supported
Warnock,
depending
on
whether
you're
relying
on
the
EI
or
the
ER
estimate,
and
we
always
rely
on
the
E
I
estimate
when
the
two
vary
greatly.
But
here
this
is
not
you
know
somewhere
above
90
percent
of
black
writers
are
supporting
more.
C
On
the
other
hand,
only
about
25
of
white
voters
are
supporting
Warner
in
the
other
75
heard
from
his
wife
Challenger.
This
contest
is
racially
polarized.
If
black
voters
had
voted
alone,
they
would
have
elected
Warner.
If
white
voters
burning
alone,
they
would
have
elected
lochner,
so
this
is
polarized.
C
It
rises
to
the
level
of
Legally
significant
racial
black
voting.
If
the
candidate
referred
by
minorities
usually
loses
so
it's
polarized.
If
they're
voting
for
different
candidates,
it's
legally
significant
polarization.
If
the
in
this
case
the
black
preferred
candidate,
usually
loses
so
we're
looking
at
across
a
series
of
Elections,
not
simply
one
election,
okay.
So
what
does
this
have
to
do
with
lost?
C
So
the
the
courts
and
the
Department
of
Justice
recognize
four
five
six
minority
groups
as
protected
under
the
Voting
Rights
Act,
or
particularly
under
the
redistricting
component
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act
in
Boston,
you
have
a
significant
enough
population
of
black
black
Hispanic
and
Asians
to
conduct
a
racial
block.
Voting
analysis,
the
other
groups,
you
do
not.
We
can't
look
at
American,
Indian
native
Hawaiian
voters
to
determine
if
that,
if
those
groups
are
polarized,
but
we
can
look
at
black
voters,
Hispanic
voters
and
Asian
voters.
C
Now
when
I
say
you
have
a
sizable
minority
population,
I
mean
that
population
is
sizable
enough
to
do
a
voting
analysis.
A
an
analysis
of
voting
patterns
by
race
I
do
not
mean
that
the
minority
group
necessarily
needs
the
first
prong
of
Jingles.
That
is
that
it
is
sufficiently
large
and
geographically
compact
to
form
a
single
member,
a
majority
of
a
single
member
district.
Now,
in
fact,
we
know
that
black
voters
are
do
meet
this
criteria
because
they
are
it's
already.
A
majority
by
District
I
suspect
that
Asian
voters
are
not.
C
There
are
not
in
Asian
voters
to
do
that,
and
probably
not
enough
Hispanic
voters,
but
I.
Don't
know
that
for
a
fact,
okay,
so
the
three
groups
that
we're
going
to
look
at
the
three
minority
groups
we're
going
to
look
at
are
black
voters,
Hispanic
voters
and
Asian
voters
and
we're
going
to
prepare
their
voting
patterns
to
White
voters
and
also
to
each
other,
the
election
s
that
I
analyzed
were
Municipal
elections,
and
the
reason
for
that
is
that
the
Voting
Rights
Act
in
the
courts
is
particularly
when
interpreting
the
voting.
C
C
C
C
This
is
the
race
that
the
candidates
remember:
I,
told
you
that
the
most
probative
contest
of
those
that
include
minority
candidates,
so
my
summary
tables,
will
include
the
race
of
the
candidates
who
ran.
This
is
the
actual
percentage
of
votes
they
received,
and
then
here
are
the
estimates
based
on
e
I
and
ER
for
each
of
these
candidates.
C
C
C
However,
the
plurality
of
black
voters
I
lost,
my
cursor
voted
for
Kim
Genie,
Hispanic,
writters
and
asian
brothers
also
supported
Michelle
Wu
in
the
primary,
so
the
mayoral
Primary
in
2021
was
polarized
between
white
voters
and
black
voters,
but
it
was
not
polarized
between
white
voters
and
Hispanic
voters
and
Asian
voters
and
black
voters
and
Hispanic
voters
and
Asian
Vetters
were
not
cohesive.
As
a
minority
group
in
this
particular
election,
black
voters
preferred
a
different
candidate
than
Hispanics
Nations.
C
C
Now
all
four
groups-
whites,
blacks,
Hispanics
and
Asians-
are
supporting
Michelle
Wu
and
the
contest
is
no
longer
polarized,
so
the
primary
in
this
instance
was
polarized.
The
general
election
was
not
polarized
and
in
the
general
election,
blacks,
Hispanic
and
Asians
were
all
cohesive
in
their
support
of
Michelle,
who
won
the
contest
of
64
of
God.
C
So
this
is
what
I
did
for
all
of
the
district
elections
and
also
the
2017
mayor
office,
and
rather
than
going
through.
All
of
the
tables
which
will
be
included
in
a
report.
What
I've
done
is
I've
summarized
what
I
found.
The
first
thing,
I
have
to
say
is
a
lot
of
these
contests,
aren't
aren't
even
contested
even
general
elections.
Only
about
half
of
the
elections
that
could
have
been
contested
were
contested.
C
We
want
to
know
both
city-wide
how
minorities
are
voting,
but
in
particular
it
may
be
the
case
that
they're
voting
differently
in
different
areas
of
the
city
right,
so
we're
going
to
do
a
district-specific
analysis,
and
this
tells
us
where
voting
tends
to
be
polarized
and
where
it
doesn't
so.
For
example,
some
districts
like
District
9
and
District
8
have
less
polarization
than
say
districts,
one
and
District
Six,
which
are
more
polarized,
but
I
want
you
to
notice
that
there
are
very
few
contests.
C
So
when
I
say
that
a
hundred
percent
of
the
contest
in
District
1
are
polarized,
it's
only
be.
There
are
only
two
contests.
They
were
both
polarized,
but
it's
only
two
contests,
so
the
parentheses
tells
us
how
many
contests
were
actually
contested
and
then
the
percentages.
How
many
of
those
that
were
actually
contested
were
polarized.
C
I
should
have
mentioned
at
the
start.
I
have
a
hard
stop
at
noon,
which
is
why
I'm
going
through
this
very
quickly,
but
nonetheless,
here
we
go
okay.
First
of
all,
again,
a
very
limited
number
of
contests,
even
though
I
looked
at
every
District
that
every
district
election
that
was
contested
over
45
percent
of
the
of
the
general
elections,
let
alone
the
possibility
of
primary
lectures
or
there
were
no
Challengers.
C
So
voting
is
polarized
in
Boston,
but
it
varies
by
district
and
some
districts.
Some
areas
are
more
polarized
than
others.
The
amount
of
polarization
again
polarization
we're
talking
about
white
voters
versus
each
of
the
minority
groups
individually,
the
amount
of
polarization
between
whites
and
blacks
and
whites
and
Hispanics
is
comparable.
Now
the
city-wide
we
saw
it
was
polarized
between
blacks
and
whites
and
not
between
Hispanics
and
white.
But
when
you
look
District
by
district,
there
were
just
as
many
district
elections
that
were
polarized
between
whites
and
Hispanics.
C
C
The
other
point
I
want
to
make
when
voting
is
polarized.
Black
Hispanic
and
Asian
voters
are
not
necessarily
cohesive,
particularly
in
primary.
You
need
to
be
cognizant
of
the
fact
that
you
might
not
be
able
to
talk
about
minority
districts.
You
might
have
to
talk
about
black
Hispanic
or
Black
Or
Hispanic
districts,
opportunity
districts,
because
you
need
to
make
sure
that
the
voters
are
voting
for
the
same
candidates.
If
you're
going
to
talk
about
combined.
C
So
because
voting
is
often
polarized,
you
need
to
provide
districts
that
give
minority
voters
an
opportunity
to
elect
their
candidates
of
choice.
If
they
don't
exist,
if
they
do
exist
and
and
they
do,
you
need
to
make
sure
to
maintain
the
districts
in
a
manner
that
continues
to
provide
minorities
with
an
opportunity
to
elect
the
preferred
candidates.
C
But
caution
needs
to
be
exercised
if
combining
black,
Hispanic
and
Asian
voters
to
create
a
minority
District
because
they're
not
necessarily
cohesive
and
that's
especially
true,
Asian
voters.
Okay,
you
went
through
that
very
quickly,
I
know
and
I'm
going
to
stop
sharing
and
take
your
questions.
If
you
haven't.
D
B
Thank
you,
Dr
Handley
and
I
haven't
actually
analyzed
the
different
plans
that
you're
considering
now
that's
something
that
I
think
we
can
do
when
they're
presented
to
us
for
the
exact
analysis.
I,
don't
want
to
say
left-handedly
but
I'm,
not
aware
offhandedly,
that
any
of
the
current
districts
are
violative
of
the
Voting
Rights
Act.
But
we
have
you,
know
the
levels
of
polarized
voting
or
legally
significant.
B
Polarized
voting
really
will
tell
us
and
I
think
when
you,
when
you
present
us
with
a
limited
number
of
maps
to
review,
then
we'll
best
know
whether
a
district
would
violate
the
Voting
Rights
Act
or
the
14th
Amendment.
We
can
get
that
done
in
a
relatively
short
period
of
time,
but
right
now,
because
the
current
District
must
change.
You
know
it's
too
really
to
tell
what
the
legal
ramifications
of
that
change
would
be
Elisa.
Do
you
want
to
answer
that.
C
Only
that
District
4
as
it
is
currently
configured
provides
black
voters
with
an
opportunity
to
elect
their
candidates
of
choice
and
I.
Think
that
you
would
want
to
continue
to
have
a
district
that
provides
black
voters
with
an
opportunity
to
to
elect
their
candidates
of
choice.
Or
you
would
violate
the
voting
right
so
because
it
is
polarized.
B
Right
so
taking
the
current
District
too
low
by
taking
minority
population
out
of
the
district,
you
risk
the
Voting
Rights
Act
violation
of
diluting
minority
voting
strength.
If
you
add
too
many
minority
voters
into
the
district,
then
you
run
the
risk
of
a
14th
Amendment
problem,
because
drawing
districts
based
on
race
and
race
alone
raises
red
flags
in
the
courts.
Now
you
can
draw
a
district
that
simply
includes
a
very
compact
naturally
occurred
occurring
community
of
Interest
or
neighborhood
within
the
population
numbers.
E
Thank
you.
Thank
you,
madam
Chia.
So
one
one
observance
would
be
with
your
mayoral
election
grid.
You
have
here
an
Easter
Wasabi
George
identifies
herself
as
a
woman
of
color,
and
you
have
her
as
white
I.
Don't
know
what
that
means
with
with
anything,
but
she
herself
identifies
as
a
woman
of
color.
So
I
think
is
the
whole
graph
skewed.
What
I'm
not
really
sure
what
that's?
What's
what
that's
telling
us
and
another
question
is
around
neighborhoods.
E
B
Oh,
let
me
answer
it
in
the
context
that
you
want
to
make
sure
that
you
are
of
not
violating
the
Voting
Rights
Act
by
by
diluting
a
minority
community.
So
if
you
don't
have
a
situation
of
either
eluding
or
cracking
a
minority
Community
or
on
the
other
hand
of
packing
a
minority
Community
District,
then
you
can
draw
a
district
with
white
voters
without
any
problem.
The
the
real
key
issue
is
not
to
dilute
the
neuronty
voting
strength
and
not
to
pack
excessively
minority
voting
strength.
B
E
B
B
You
could,
as
long
as
you're,
not
violating
one
of
the
federal
questions
here,
either
the
Voting
Rights
Act
or
the
14th
amendment,
in
other
words,
if
you're
keeping
a
white
Community
a
white
neighborhood
intact
and
by
doing
so
a
neighboring
District
where
part
of
that
District
would
violate
the
Voting
Rights
Act,
because
it
dilutes
minority
voting
strength
or
it
excessively
packs
minority
voters
unnecessarily.
Then
you'd
have
a
problem,
but
if
both
of
those
two
problems
happen,
then
you
should
be
okay,
but.
E
If
but
if,
if,
if
it's
an
existing
condition,
there's
nothing
moving
around
if
we're
talking
about
District
district
4,
you
know
a
lot
of
The
Advocates
have
said:
they've
got
too
many
black
people
there.
So
that's
an
existing
condition
and
the
the
percentage
has
actually
changed
in
the
last
10
years.
It's
actually
gone
gone
down,
I
believe
and
or
rather
up
in
white
people
by
one
percentage
point.
E
C
No,
the
the
race
of
the
candidates
doesn't
actually
matter
you're
looking
at
the
voting
patterns,
but
races
that
include
minority
candidates
are
more
probative.
Now.
This
contest
is
probative
in
any
case
because
it
already
includes
blacks
and
agency,
but
it
has
nothing
to
do
with
the
estimates
themselves,
but
only
emphasizes
the
importance
of
that
particular
contest.
F
I
was
just
going
to
repeat
what
well
the
doctor
already
said
it
that
actually
again
it
what
matters
is
the
preferred
candidate
of
the
voters,
not
who
the
candidate
is
themselves
now.
You
can
often
see
a
more
strong
contrast
when
there
is
a
black
candidate
and
we're
talking
about
the
candidate,
the
preferred
candidate
for
black
voters,
but
the
ultimately,
at
the
end
of
the
day,
the
identity
of
the
candidate
is
not
what
matters
again.
E
What
and,
and
so
how
do
we
do?
We
all
issued
a
a
crystal
ball
to
see
what
the
candidates
of
choice
are
going
to
be
in
the
next
election
or
like
this.
This
is
baffling
to
me
candidates
of
choice
when
we
don't
know
who
they
are
we're
going
to
draw
districts
on
candidates
of
choice.
When
we
don't
it's
just
a
little
bit
confusing
to
me,
can
you
like
what
is
a
candidate
of
choice.
C
So,
in
order
to
determine
if
you're
drawing
districts
that
are
likely
to
elect
candidates
of
choice,
we
don't
use
it
a
crystal
ball.
We
use
elections
that
happened
in
the
past
and
we
determine
if
the
minority
preferred
candidates
would
carry
that
District.
So,
for
example,
we
would
look
at
the
mayoral
contest
if
we
were
drawing
a
black
District,
a
district
that
we
hoped
would
provide
black
voters
with
an
opportunity
to
elect.
We
would
draw
the
district
lines
and
we
would
then
see
if,
for
example,
Kim
Janey
carried
the
district
in
that
particular
primary.
C
B
And
this
is
the
kind
of
study
I
referred
to
when
we
will.
Let
you
know
if
the
plan
you're
planning
to
vote
on
or
a
limited
number
of
plans
would
actually
you
know
pass
muster.
We
would
take
the
reconfigured
election
results
and
run
them
on
the
proposed
new
lines
that
you
want
to
support,
and
that
would
tell
us
the
likelihoods,
the
so-called
crystal
ball,
if
I
might
on
on
what
that
District,
how
it
might
perform.
G
G
C
C
G
And
then,
in
your
preferred
candidate
analysis
is
any
thought
giving
into
the
strength
of
the
campaign
the
work
ethic,
the
Coalition
building
the
door,
knocking
sort
of
the
the
the
the
shoes
on
the
ground.
If
you
will
their
fundraising
capacity
policy
issues,
anything
like
that
to
any
of
those
criteria
go
into
so
that
it's
sort
of
done
on
sort
of
Monolithic,
where
a
person
of
color
just
votes
for
person
of
color
or
a
white
person
just
votes
for
a
white
person
that
and
I'll
use
two
recent
examples.
G
You
know
how
hard
they're,
working
again,
the
bridges
they're,
building
the
coalitions
that
they're
building
their
policies.
Etc
does
any
of
those
and
those
Are
Cam
and
those
are
campaign
tactics.
If
you
will
right.
Every
candidate
myself
included,
I'm
a
city-wide
city
council,
top
vote
getter
in
Boston,
White,
Irish,
Catholic
and
I
have
tremendous
support
in
in
throughout
the
entire
city,
and
particularly
when
you
go
into
neighborhoods
and
districts
and
sub-districts
it's
because
of
relationship
building.
It's
the
strength
of
my
campaign,
it's
the
Outreach,
it's
the
bridge.
Building,
it's
showing
up!
G
It's
returning
phone
calls,
it's
doing
the
constituent,
service,
work,
etc.
I
think
that
separates
myself
and
it's
why
I've
had
the
longevity
that
I've
had
so
when
folks
talk
about
you
know
the
candidate
of
their
choice,
I
think
it
falls
short
in
terms
of
it's
It's,
the
candidate,
that's
working
hardest,
it's
the
candidate
that
is
building
those
relationships
and
those
coalitions,
particularly
in
a
city
like
Boston
and
which
is
a
very
diverse
City.
G
C
Yeah,
let's
make
this
clear:
a
minority
preferred
candidate
is
a
candidate
supported
by
minority
voters.
In
other
words,
if
85
percent
voted
for
a
particular
candidate,
then
that
is
the
candidate
choice
of
black
voters.
Even
if
he
had
a
lot
less
money
than
the
white
candidate
he
ran
across.
Even
we
had
a
lot
less
connections,
it's
who
the
black
voter
supports,
and
it
doesn't
matter
in
fact
how
much
money
has
to
run
to
run
the
campaign.
C
It's
just
a
matter
of
who
black
voters
support,
and
so
you
may
say:
well
he
didn't
run
a
campaign
across
the
city
and
the
answer
might
be
well.
They
ran
a
campaign
with
black
voters
because
they
supported
him.
So
it's
really
it's
a
statistical
technique
and
it's
geared
towards
finding
who
the
minority
is
supported
regardless
of
other
factors-
and
this
is
this-
is
the
courts
speaking
not
me,
I
mean
this
is
how
the
courts
have
determined.
What
a
minority
preferred
candidate
is.
C
No.
It
may
be
the
case
that
voting
isn't
polarized.
If,
if
white
voters
also
support
the
minority
candidate,
but
it's
who
the
minority
of
voters
vote
for
regardless
of
these
other
factors
that
determine
if
you
have
a
minority
preferred
candidate,
the
other
thing
I
want
to
say:
is
you
point
it
to
some
elections?
C
Let
me
make
it
clear
that
the
elections
that
are
relevant
here
are
not,
for
example,
partisan
elections,
because
different
Dynamics
are
operating.
If
you're.
If
you've
got
a
partisan
election,
you
might
have
more
white
voters
voting
for
a
black
Democrat
and
a
partisan
election,
then
you
would
have
white
voters
voting
for
a
black
and
a
non-partisan
elections.
So,
what's
really
irrelevant
is
what's
happening
in
non-partisan
elections
that
most
closely
resemble
the
the
conditions
of
the
city
council
elections.
H
H
I
think
that
my
election
in
2019
versus
2021
really
speaks
to
what
happens
when
you
create
opportunities
for
people
who
have
less
resources,
because
if
you
look
at
our
campaigns,
I
had
less
money,
I
had
less
Clouts,
but
we
were
still
able
to
do
a
lot
of
work
in
the
city
of
Boston
and
I.
Think
that
speaks
volumes
to
why
we're
going
through
this
exercise.
H
Think
that
you
know
our
campaign
really
shows
what
is
possible
and
I
just
want
to
name
that
and
then
the
last
piece
that
I
want
to
uplift
here,
as
we
continue
to
to
go
through
this
process,
is
that
I
want
to
continue
to
remind
us
that
this
is
not
about
us.
This
is
a
10-year
situation
that,
whatever
decisions
we
make
here
today
are
going
to
impact
the
next
10
years
and
I
hope
and
pray
that
folks
aren't
thinking
about.
H
You
know
like
there
are
the
things
that
we
could
be
doing
right
like
that's
just
not.
This
is
not
about
holding
on
to
our
seats.
This
is
about
making
sure
that
we're
creating
as
many
opportunities
for
people
to
be
able
to
be
viable
candidates
and
run
across
the
city
of
Boston,
regardless
of
where
you're
from
so
I
just
want
to
uplift.
That.
Thank
you.
Thank.
I
I
So
that
is
a
case
where
people
realize
they
go
to
the
poll
to
vote
for
someone
and
it
wasn't
in
their
party
and
they
realize
it's
not
the
same
as
Municipal
elections,
which
everyone
here
understands
that.
But
is
it
still
true
because
in
that
race
they
were
both
Democrats?
Whoever
went
to
vote
across
the
city
across
the
in
the
state,
actually
both
of
their
names,
showed
up.
C
I
A
Okay,
thank
you.
Thank
you.
Consular
Worrell
I
also
want
to
like
remind
our
colleagues
that
we,
our
guests,
are
here
until
12
noon,
so
we
have
about
15
minutes
left.
So,
let's
keep
it
moving
concert
Royal.
Also,
let
me
say
we
will
take
down.
If
you
have
questions
we
will,
we
can
also
submit
them
in
writing
to
attorney
Weiss
and
Dr
Hadley
and
Dr
dushan,
and
then
we
hope
to
have
a
response
to
your
questions
by
tomorrow
morning.
J
Thank
you,
Professor
Weiss
and
Dr
Hanley
for
your
presentation
and
all
the
information
that
you're
sharing
with
us
I
had
a
quick
question
about
dilution
of
minority
strength.
How.
Would
how
would
you
determine
that?
Is
it
a
change
in
past
elections?
You
know
compared
to
new
dry
Maps
like
how
would
you
determine
what
is
considered
to
be
dilution
and
then
are
you
taking
into
consideration
gentrification?
And
you
know
black
people,
or
you
know
certain
race
group
leaving
the
city
when,
when
talking
about
dilution
of
voting
strength,.
C
By
losing
a
voting
strength
would
happen
if
you
could
maintain
a
minority
preferred.
You
could
maintain
a
district
that
provides
minorities
with
an
opportunity
to
elect
and
you
didn't
or
you
had
one
and
it
it
perfectly
permits
the
effect
of
redrawing
meant
that
it
no
longer
provided
minority
Vetters
with
an
opportunity
to
elect.
However,
there
is
a
caveat
there
and
Every
Time
I
Think
of
Alaska
I.
C
Think
of
this,
as
Alaska
natives
moved
out
of
the
North
Slope,
all
of
a
sudden
there's
nothing
that
you
could
have
done
to
actually
draw
an
effective
native
District
in
that
area,
because
population
movement,
so
sometimes
things
like
population
movements,
will
mean
you
can't
maintain
or
a
minority
opportunity
District.
That
was
once
there
so
there's
the
difference
between
you
can't
and
you
don't.
But
if
you
can't
you
can't
if
you
don't,
but
you
could
have,
and
you
needed
to
that's
a
different
question
and
that's
a
violation
of
Voting
Rights.
E
Thank
you,
madam
Madam,
and
thank
you
for
your
time
today.
Can
can
one
of
you
talk
about?
Can
one
of
you
talk
about
opportunity
districts?
Is
there
a
percentage
that
we
head
for
is
that
is
that
something
that's
more
just
sort
of
a
there's?
No,
like
a
lot
of
this
process,
there's
no
real
hard
guidelines
around
it.
We
just
opportunity
district
is
what
we
think
it
is,
or
is
there
percentages
or
like
what
does
an
opportunity?
District
look
like.
C
An
opportunity
district
is
a
district
that
provides
minorities
with
an
opportunity
to
elect
their
candidates
of
choice.
Now,
if
you
look
across
the
country
in
some
places
like
Arkansas,
if
that
District
isn't
like
at
least
55
or
60
percent
black,
it
isn't
going
to
elect
a
black
candidate,
because
black
turnout
is
so
depressed
and
there's
virtually
no
white
crossover,
but
in
other
areas
like
Atlanta,
Georgia
or
North,
Carolina
45
is
enough
because
there's
enough
Goods
flight
voters
are
turning
out
in
high
amounts
and
there's
enough
white
crossovers.
So
it
isn't
a
Target.
It
is.
C
You
do
look
at
the
the
demographics
to
some
degree,
because
even
a
district
that
say,
10
percent
black
might
elect
a
black
preferred
candidate,
but
it
isn't
electing
a
black
bird
candidate
because
of
black
voters.
They
have
a
significant
black
population,
but
it
comes
down
to
is
the
district
able
to
elect
the
minority
preferred
candidates?
So
it's
a
functional
analysis.
It's
District
specific
you're
going
to
look
at
districts
by
District,
because
in
some
areas
it
might
be
easier
to
elect
a
minority
preferred
candidate
and
the
percentage
might
be
lower,
say
40
in
other
areas.
C
E
C
No,
not
not
totally
subjective
at
all.
So
if
blacks
and
Hispanics
are
cohesive
in
support
of
the
minority
preferred
candidates,
then
you
can
consider
the
group
as
a
coalition
District,
but
if
they're
not
cohesive,
then
you
look
at
one
group
or
the
other.
You
look
at
black
voters
or
you
look
at
just
found
a
voters,
but
if
they're
voting
the
same,
then
it's
a
you
can
create
a
coalition
District.
So
the
voting
patterns
is
what
dictates
whether
or
not
the
district
is
what
you
would
call
a
coalition
District,
it's
not
the
demographics.
E
A
B
Well,
that
really
varies
usually
when
I
work
with
a
government
I
look
at
their
deadline
or
when
the
next
election
process
begins
and
then
working
backwards
unless
there's
a
a
law
that
requires
a
deadline.
You
want
to
make
sure
that
your
plan
is
enacted
with
enough
time
to
implement
it
with
your
local
elections
authorities,
usually
to
wrap
up
a
process,
at
least
three
weeks
to
a
month
before
the
petitioning
starts.
But
having
said
that,
it's
never
too
early
to
start,
it's
sometimes
too
late
to
catch
up
might
be
the
best
way
of
putting
it.
B
F
Louisiana,
yes,
just
three
quick
points:
first
being
that
the
around
the
questions
of
whether
or
not
there's
a
current
voting
rights,
a
VRA
compliance
or
a
potential
violation,
oftentimes
those
are
actually
hard
to
determine
until
you
get
a
plaintiff.
Who
brings
an
alternative
map
to
show
that
there
is
a
voting
rights
act
violation,
because
an
alternative
map
could
have
been
drawn
that
would
have
given
minority
voters
the
effective
ability
to
elect
the
candidate
of
their
choice.
F
So
I
I
do
personally,
just
as
a
lawyer
think
that
it's
premature
to
make
determinations
regarding
the
VRA.
Second
is
just
to
confirm
something
that
the
doctor
had
stated.
It's
really
important
when
we're
talking
about
this
and
people
have
mentioned
different
elections,
that
the
most
important
elections
are
the
Municipal
elections.
Those
are
considered
the
endogenous
elections
that
are
similar.
That
includes
the
at-large
races,
which
is
why
Council
block
yesterday
included
data
around
the
at-large
races.
That
includes
the
Municipal
elections.
You
look
at
those
endogenous
races
because
those
are
the
most
determinive.
F
Those
are
the
most
that
way
you
can
really
pull
comparisons
and
draw
data
from
compared
to
exogenous
races
that
we're
talking
about
which
include
the
Attorney
General's
race,
which
include
any
other
race.
That's
not
you
know
a
municipal
off
your
election
and
then
third,
a
lot
has
been
brought
into
this
chambers.
That
I
think
are
red
herrings
and
don't
matter
about,
oh,
like
how
I
did
in
my
race
or
you
know,
I'm,
a
a
white
elected
official
and
black
voters
voted
for
me.
I
was
able
to
build
coalitions
like
the
test.
F
Again,
must
start
with
the
voter
and
determine
whether
racially
polarized
voting
existed
and
I
think
everything
else
I'm
a
first
time.
Candidate
and
I
did
really
well
on
my
first
time
coming
out
the
gate.
That
is
not
going
to
tell
you
anything.
Unless
you
look
at
the
data
and
look
at
voting
patterns
and
see
how
people
voted
across
the
city,
there
are
certain
neighborhoods,
where
you
could
probably
determine
that
there
was
racially
polarized
voting
in
my
race
because
of
who
voted
for
me
and
who
did
it.
F
That
doesn't
mean
that
I
didn't
succeed
as
a
candidate,
but
that
there
means
that
there
are
that
there
isn't
disha
in
my
election
of
some
form
of
racially
polarized
voting.
So
you
can
have
the
best
campaign
you
want.
You
could
be
a
coalition
Builder,
you
all
you
want,
and
there
are
reasons
why
the
Voting
Rights
Act
exists
and
it's
because
a
lot
of
folks
unfortunately
still
contend
with
bias
and
are
and
and
and
vote
on
racial
lines.
F
B
K
K
B
L
Bach,
thank
you
so
much
Madam,
chair,
I,
just
wondered
why
we
have
them
here
at
Dr
Henley.
You
can
speak
just
because
District
three
has
been
a
particular
point
of
discussion
for
us.
If
you
can
speak
to
the
polarization
in
the
2021
General
there
and
then
also
just
maybe
clarify
again
for
counselors
what
the
kind
of
the
percent
number
polarized
means.
C
That's
right:
I'm,
just
okay!
So
in
2021
we
had
a
Christmas
contest
in
District.
Three
again,
you'll
get
the
tables
but
go
into
more
detail,
but
this
was
a
contest
that
included
two
white
candidates
and
the
white
voters.
Hispanic
voters
and
Asian
voters
supported
the
incumbent
and
black
voters
supported
the
Challenger
Stephen
McBride,
so
that
contest
was
polarized.
C
A
B
M
B
B
Think
I
can't
speak
for
Dr
Haley,
but
I
believe
she
can.
You
know,
probably
work
on
one
map
today,
but
again,
that's
just
based
on
our
conversation.
If
you
get
her
a
map,
the
sooner
the
better
it's
now
noon,
if
you
can
get
a
map
to
her
this
afternoon,
she
you
know
I
would
say
she
hopefully
would
be
able
to
do
that.
I
B
I
mean,
given
that
all
the
maps
right
now
you
know,
don't
seem
to
have
major
problems
with
them
and
based
on
the
I,
think
the
guidance,
the
suggestions
that
we've
discussed
in
the
last
hour.
If
you
can
agree
on
the
map
that
does
not,
from
your
estimations
overly
pack
a
district
with
minority
voters,
nor
take
too
many
voters
out
of
a
district,
if
you
can
keep
some
balance
the
semblance
somewhat
akin
to
what
you
have
now,
you
know
that's
the
map
we
can
look
at
and
I
think
Dr,
hanley's
analysis.
B
A
I
So
on
the
maps
I
had
submitted
a
map
over
a
month
ago,
now
I
think
it's
time
to
go
slow
or
fast,
but,
and
my
map
was
a
good
attempt
which
it
did
at
getting
the
population
for
all
nine
districts
close
to
that
Target.
The
deviation
is
about
two
percent,
but
also
filed
it
through
the
council,
because
a
map
had
been
filed
previously
and
I
was
told
that
that
would
be
the
best
way
to
bring
it
to
the
council
to
the
floor
to
this
body
three
Maps
were
filed
since
then.
I
So
now
we
have
five
Maps,
but
only
yesterday
in
a
working
session
did
we
begin,
but
we
haven't
really
started
to
take
a
look
at
any
one
map
as
the
base
map
and
then
start
to
move
precincts
and
talk
through
any
of
them.
So
I
know
when
there's
reference
to
I
can
speak
to
my
map
that
that
was
in
no
way.
This
is
I've
done
all
the
work
in
a
silo
on
my
own.
It
was
okay.
Why
don't
we
as
a
body
work
on
this
map
as
a
starting
point?
I
So
if
you
were
to
look
at
all
of
the
maps
now,
none
of
the
changes
have
been
made
yet
so
I'm
concerned
that
you'd
be
spending
time
on
maps
that
we
haven't
talked
through
in
each
district
councilor
and
at
large
Council
of
weighing
in
on.
Is
this
a
good?
Is
this
right?
What
about
these
communities
of
Interest,
which
precincts
that
which
neighborhood
are
we
cutting
up?
Which
neighborhood
are
we
keeping
safe,
so
I
mean
I
just
feel
like
we're
far
away
from
a
map?
B
G
B
Those
are
the
those
are
the
most
important
ones
from
what
I've
seen
so
far:
you're,
not
drawing
non-contiguous
districts,
you're,
not
drawing
non-compact
districts
and
to
the
extent
possible
you're,
probably
observing
neighborhood
boundaries.
So
I
don't
see
any
City
Charter
issues
right
now,
but
the
big
ones
are
the
Voting
Rights
Act
and
the
14th
Amendment
either
not
taking
up
any
one
district
with
polarized
voting
low
to
the
point
where
you're
going
to
dilute
minority
voting
strength
and
cause
a
Voting,
Rights
Act
violation
to
occur.
B
B
And
yeah
and
the
the
Supreme
Court
going
back
30
some
odd
years
ago,
held
at
a
district
that
followed
an
interstate
highway
in
North
Carolina
that
added
black
voters
all
along
the
east
and
west
side
of
the
of
the
corridor
that
that
was
that
shapes
mattered,
that
when
it
comes
to
race,
you
cannot
draw
districts
based
on
race.
Unless
you
are
looking
to
remedy
a
vote,
dilution
issue,
the
only
other
way
you
can
really
draw
a
minority,
District
purposefully
is,
if
there's
simply
a
naturally
occurring.
B
You
know
Community
or
neighborhood
of
interest
that
might
be
square
or
round
or
regularly
shaped.
That's
very
Compact
and
population
numbers
may
also
require
that.
But
you
want
to
avoid
deliberately
picking
minority
voters
based
on
race
and
also
being
innocent,
that
not
all
race
voters
of
color
vote.
The
same
way.
A
A
H
So
I
know
we
have
been
doing
the
work
and
so
to
hear
that
we
have
not
I
just
I
just
want
to
rebuttal
that
that
is
not
the
case,
because
we
have
been
working
really
hard
to
get
to
a
good
place
and
I'd
like
to
be
able
to
utilize
the
last
hour
and
30
minutes
that
we
have
left
to
see
where
we're
moving.
Thank
you
keep
it
moving.
Thank
you.
M
A
A
E
The
committee
come
up
with
the
decision
to
use
a
map
as
a
jumping
off
point.
When
we
worked
on
a
what
we
call
the
base
map,
we
haven't
even
seen
that
like
who
came
up
with
that
decision.
Do
you
want
your
own
unilateral,
because
the
reason
why
I
ask
is
I'm
I'm,
10
or
12
moves
in
the
rear
here
to
try
and
be
made
whole,
so
it
doesn't
seem
fair
to
did.
A
Not
we're
working
off
the
bread
in
a
Royal
map
and
it
was
an
evolution
out
of
the
Braden
morel
map
and
this
map,
the
the
bread
and
the
Royal
map
Incorporated.
Some
of
the
suggestions
of
you
yourself
and
councilor
Murphy.
So
you
know
it's
a
it's
a
work
in
progress
and
we're
about
to
discuss
further
amendments
to
that
map.
A
Sure,
given
the
feedback
that
we've
had
from
community
members
and
Advocates
and
colleagues
we
are,
we
are
proposing
some
amendments
to
that
map
to
make
it
make
it
achieve
the
goals
that
we're
setting
out
to
to
make.
You
know
more
effective
opportunities
for
communities
of
color
to
elect
the
candidate
of
their
choice.
A
N
N
So
they
no
longer
change
and
then
to
give
16
9
back
to
District
three
and
by
my
calculations
and
and
I
was
I've,
been
doing
this
on
the
numbers
that
we
have
I
believe
that
that
change
works
it
increases
it
takes
counciloral
from
about
14
something
percent
White
vote
in
his
district.
So
it
keeps
it
it's
still
in
the
ballpark
it's
at
like
12-4
or
something
like
that
and
it
it
does
do
some
of
the
some
of
the
response
we
received
about
these
precincts
in
general.
N
I
think
it
answers
the
questions
that
I've
heard
other
counselors
raise
about
voting
preferences
and
ensuring
effective
choice.
I
think
it
also
answers
some
of
the
neighborhood
specific
concerns
around
Codman
Square
or
around
some
of
those
16s
I
think
it's
a
step
in
the
right
direction,
and
so
that
that's
an
offer
I
think
that
makes
sense
to
consider
on
whatever
final
map
is
proposed.
C
O
I
N
N
M
I
N
What
I
would
propose
is
giving
16
9
back
to
District
three,
so
unifying
what
you
just
talked
about
yeah
and
then
taking
17,
6
and
17-2,
which
currently
are
slated
to
go
there.
They
are
17,
6
and
17.
Two
are
currently
slated
to
go
into
D3.
They
would
remain
with
District,
Four
and
I.
Think
this
answers
to
the
concern
you
just
raised
about
those
communities,
but
also
the
concerns.
N
Other
people
have
raised
about
effective
ability
to
create
effective
choice
in
District
Four,
as
well
as
District,
three
and
so
I
think
this
is
something
that
I
would
hope.
Everybody
could
agree
to,
because
I
think
it's
a
step
in
the
right
direction.
I
would
also
note
that
this
is
counselor.
Fox
had
put
together
some
suggestions
yesterday
and
I
believe
this
is
actually
pretty
much
exactly
that
I.
N
Nine
pulls
out
yes
on
this
proposal.
Nine
goes
out
and
rejoins
seven
and
a
and
five-
and
this
is
this-
is
just
an
opening
I
think
thing
where
we
can
sort
of
all
agree
to
to
this
move.
Obviously
people
might
want
to
go
further.
Some
people
might
disagree
with
that,
but
I
think
this
is
a
way
to
to
start
moving
in
a
place
of
consensus.
N
12.,
so
I
will
tell
you
that
my
my
we've
talked
about
this
a
lot
about
unpacking
and
effective
districts
as
opposed
to
pack
districts
and
part
of
what
this
I
hope
does.
Is
it
removes
the
idea
that
we
are.
We
are
which
I
think
you
know
I,
don't
know
how
how
much
I
fully
agree
with
the
idea
that
District
Four
was
no
longer
able
to
make
effective
choice,
but
I
think
that
this
puts
the
bed
the
idea
that
they
can't
make
an
effective
choice
or
Be
an
Effective
District.
N
If
you
make
these
moves,
the
issue
is,
if
you
don't
give
District
4
16
8,
16
11.,
those
those
in
that
vicinity
that
are
remaining
in
in
this
proposal
than
they
are,
in
my
opinion,
packing
based
on
the
definitions
that
we
got
on
Friday
from
Dr
Moon
of
effective
choice
and
sort
of
everything
over
what
it
takes
to
do.
Effective
choice
is
technically
packing
and
so
I
think
this.
N
This
unpacks
it
it
diversifies
district
for
a
little
bit
more,
but
I
do
think
that
this
sort
of
Overture
of
17
to
17
6
in
exchange
for
leaving
16-9
in
District
3,
is
something
that
I
feel
like.
We
can
all
build
sort
of
come
consensus
on.
Some
people
might
want
to
go
much
further.
Some
people
might
not
want
to
do
that
at
all.
I,
don't
know
it's
not
like.
N
N
M
N
In
District
three,
which
is
the
ink
block
for
folks
that
are
trying
to
figure
out
what
that
number
means
you,
at
least
in
this
version
you
you
take
out
less
South
Boston,
but
it
for
the
specific
reason
of
unifying
six
two
and
six
three,
which
has
the
D
Street
housing
I've
heard
about
seven
five,
seven
six.
This
is
in
seven
four
and
the
reason
I
say:
seven:
four
is
because
the
Ann
Lynch
homes,
the
way
that
these
precincts
occur,
I
don't
know
if
we
can
zoom
in
more.
G
N
N
It's
my
opinion
that
Ann
Lynch
Holmes
in
the
McCormick
homes
have
a
lot
in
common.
In
fact,
they
share
mokley
Park.
They
can
look
at
each
other
from
directly
across
the
street
they're,
both
affordable
housing
complexes
and
the
and
Lynch
homes
right
now
are
split
between
three
precincts
because
of
the
way
these
precincts
are
cut,
which
gets
us
back
to.
Eventually
we
got
to
look
at
these
precincts
and
how
they're
cut,
but
the
and
Lynch
homes
are
split
between
seven
six,
seven,
five
and
seven
four,
that
tiny
little.
N
If
you
can
zoom
in
all
the
way
to
that
little
like
box,
that
goes
into
7-4
like
that
little
corner
between
seven
six
and
seven
four.
That
is
where
that's
that
split
sort
of
happens
right
there.
But
the
vast
majority,
like
over
90
of
that
complex,
is
in
seven
fives
and
seven
six
I
actually
believe
they
have
common
cause
with
seven
seven.
N
So
if,
in
this
version,
if
you
go
back,
if,
in
this
version,
seven
seven
stays
in
District,
three
I
think
it
makes
a
lot
of
sense
for
the
BHA
housing
in
seven
five
and
seven
six,
which
is
the
endless
homes
to
be
unified
with
them.
Now,
there's
a
there's
a
world
where
I
had
presented
them
staying
unified
the
other
way,
because
I
think
they
share
common
cause.
But
I
do
believe
that
this
works
at
least
as
a
preliminary
I
I.
N
Think
in
terms
of
folks
who
have
issues
with
this
map,
the
the
changing
of
six
three
four
three
fifteen
is
a
step
in
the
direction
that
I
think
they
can
agree
with.
I
I
personally
think
that
the
end
Lynch
homes
have
a
lot
of
organizing
and
shared
interest
with
the
McCormick
housing
and
I've
heard
that
from
multiple
counselors
at
different
times.
But
what
I
am
suggesting
is
not
to
touch
that
part
of
it.
N
At
least
it's
not
my
suggestion
here,
but
to
take
the
6-3
precinct
above
it
because
it
splits
the
D
Street
housing
with
six
two
and
just
make
that
swap
right
now
of
six
three
for
three
fifteen
and
if
you
go
to
the
population,
deviation
really
quick,
you'll
notice
that
it
keeps
the
population
deviation
in
line.
And
then,
if
you
do,
the
evaluation.
N
From
a
racial
demographic
standpoint,
it
also
does
what
I
consider
quite
a
bit
to
ensure
that,
if
you're
looking
at
it
from
what
we've
heard
today
about
racially
polarized
voting
or
all
of
those
different
things
that
you're
still
allowing
District
3
on
this
variation
to
create
or
to
have
effective
choice
for
a
candidate
of
their
choosing
again,
I,
don't
think
that
the
process
and
I
think
legally,
the
process
is
not
to
make
it
so
that
a
district
will
elect
a
person
of
color
there's.
No,
that's
not
what
this
is.
N
It
is
simply
to
make
sure
that
those
groups
are
able
to
have
an
effective
voice
on
their
choice
of
who
they
are
electing.
I.
Think
this.
This
straddles
that
line
of
making
sure
that
District
three
is
still
doing
that
in
that
District
Four
is
able
to
do
that
and
I
would
just
say
from
the
definition
of
an
opportunity.
District
district
3
is
the
opportunity
District
here,
not
District
Two,
and
so
it
is
making
sure
that
that
opportunity
district
is
strengthened,
not
weakened
and
I
I.
N
Don't
I
haven't
done
a
variation
of
this
I'd
leave
it
to
to
my
peers.
I
have
not
seen
A
variation
of
this,
where,
if
you
take
out
seven
five,
seven
six,
you
create
an
opportunity
District,
unless
you
also
sort
of
swap
that
out
for
eight
one
and
nine
one
and
I
have
heard
very
passionate
opposition
to
that
by
both
Eva
by
the
Chinese,
Progressive,
Association
and
I.
Believe,
though,
I'm
not
positive
on
this
I
believe
council,
president
Flynn
has
stated
that
they
should
stay
together.
N
I,
don't
know
if
he
has
stated
they
should
stay
together
with
him.
I
know
he's
requested
it,
but
what
I
think
I
don't
know
what
the
population
demographics
would
look
like,
but
that
would
be
the
only
other
way
that
you
keep
the
racial
demographics
and
sort
of
the
opportunity
District
alive,
I.
Think
on
this
variation.
D
N
D
I
I
I
Sixteen
one
and
three
put
them
together,
but
put
them
in
four
and
Seventeen
six
yeah
is
for
yep
and
that
maybe
will
offset
some
of
the
population
deviation.
But
what
do
we?
What
do
we
have
now?
What
do
we
I
can't
not
completely
it's
restoring
those
four
bottom
and
keeping?
No,
because
one
and
three
are
separated
right
now,.
E
I
A
No,
this
is
the
whole
idea,
is
to
try
and
increase
diversity
in
District
Four
and
then
also
increase
the
opportunity
for
account
communities
of
color
in
District
3
to
elect
the
candidates
of
their
choice.
So
reducing
the
number
of
white
population
in
District
4
is
certainly
country.
That
would
even
be
increasing
the
parking
in
District
Four.
I
A
L
L
N
L
L
L
P
L
L
P
L
P
L
As
filed,
okay,
okay,
so
you're,
okay,
sorry
so
I
had
I
had
misunderstood.
Okay,
so
I
guess
then
give
me
a
second
to
look
at
it.
So
I
guess
the
thing.
Is
you
either
have
to
add
610,
which
is
kind
of
awkward
or
find
one
more
Precinct
to
flip
into
D3
there,
because
D3
is
a
bit
low,
but
I
think
that
I
I
think
there's
a
number
of
options
there.
I
guess
the
point
would
stand
that
I.
L
Think
I
think
it
would
make
good
sense
to
go
back
to
keeping
four
five
and
D7,
and
that
would
put
us
on
a
path
to
managing
to
keep
the
Old
Colony
housing
development
in
D2.
So
and
then.
The
other
thing
that
I
think
is
worth
flagging
with
those
changes
is
that
with
the
without
those
changes,
I
think
that
you
know
the
one
sort
of
like
like
a
loss
as
it
were
when
you
think
about
an
opportunity
district.
L
Is
that
the
the
the
map,
as
amended
with
Council
Arroyo's
amendments
floats
in
D3
back
up
from
like
it?
It
floats
from
36
percent
white
to
38.1
percent
white
and
when
you
make
these
flips
you're,
bringing
it
back
down
into
the
36
area,
so
I
think
from
the
D3
opportunity
map
project
perspective.
It
would
be
useful
to
make
a
switch
like
that.
But
let
me
look
a
little
bit
at
I
mean
I.
Guess
one
thing
would
be
to
add
610
or
you
could
grab
another
one
of
the
of.
L
Right
so
that-
and
that
would
put
you
like
you
know,
inside
of
the
overall
swing
and
then
that
what
that
does,
is
it
yeah?
It
moves
some,
your
your
overall
it
lower.
That
lowers
your
your
total,
like
white
population
in
D3
a
bit,
but
it
would
lower
it
more
if
the
precinct
that
we
added
were
were
a
less
white
Precinct
than
610..
N
I'll
play
with
it
a
little
bit
if
I
so
I,
don't
want
to
jump
in
front
of
counselor
Baker,
but
I
do
want
to
address
sort
of
some
of
the
changes
that
were
made
to
me,
but
if
Council
big
would
like
to
go
first,
thank
you
Council
Baker.
So
if
you
could
just
do
if
you
could
take
16
10
out
of
that
flip
back
seven,
five,
seven
six,
which
is
part
of
the
original
proposal
and
I,
know
that
this
helps
the
deviation
pretty
substantially.
N
N
N
If
you
can
go
to
the
magnifying
glass
and
you
go
to
four
or
five,
it
has
a
significant
Asian
population,
which
is
in
line
with
eight
one
and
nine
one,
and
so
I
actually
was
trying
originally
to
keep
the
Asian
population
that
is
very
connected
to
Chinatown
and
the
CPA.
If
we
were
going
to
give
8191
to
somebody
else,
it
was
my
belief
that
you
should
unite
8191
and
four
five.
The
way
we
originally
did,
that
was
through
giving
all
of
that
to
District
three,
the
way
that
it
works.
N
Now,
four
or
five
being
part
of
District
Two
increases.
The
Asian
population
puts
them
in
line
with
the
South
End
Asian
population,
because
it's
it's
my
understanding
is
it's
also
similar
ethnicities
and
similar
common
cause,
and
then
you
still
keep
doing
that
keeps
District
Seven
around
35
percent
black,
where
they
have
had
a
number
of.
N
One
of
the
concerns
I
have
with
this
is,
if
you
do
even
this
version,
you'll
see
that
in
District
three
and
just
to
be
clear
with
folks
who
are
watching
this
and
the
district
R
doesn't
have
the
exact
numbers
because
they
do
an
interesting
thing
with
mixed
race,
but
it's
probably
closer
to
about
18
in
District
3..
Thank
you,
Siri.
N
It's
probably
closer
to
18
in
District
three
on
black
person's
population
on
this
map,
but
I
worry
that
if
we
start
to
add
610,
if
you
put
a
magnifying
glass
over
610,
that's
very
not
diverse
by
almost
every
definition,
and
it
would
make
it
it
would.
So
if
you
take
7576
out
just
right
now,
obviously
this
isn't
going
to
match
because
you're
going
to
find
different
places.
To
put
it
right.
N
If
you
did
this,
but
if
you
take
7576
out
and
then
you
just
threw
in
seven
six
ten
sixth
one's
already
in
there,
it's
the
connector,
but
if
you
throw
in
610
and
then
go
to
evaluation,
you're
already
going
to
have
to
make
up
this
population
somewhere,
you
can
do
it
a
number
of
different
ways.
You
can
go
seven
three,
seven
one
I
think
there's
been
a
lot
of
conversation
about
from
different
folks
about
why
that
wouldn't
work
would
work.
N
What
I
would
presented
and
again
I'm,
just
one
individual
there's
a
body,
but
if
you
take
610
back
and
you
put
seven
three
seven
five,
seven
six
together,
I
think
at
a
minimum.
This
allows
for
more
map
cohesion
and-
and
it's
defensible
to
me
from
a
compactness
standpoint.
Now
people
can
have
different
opinions
on
how
we
can
do
this
without
necessarily
doing
7576
and
I
and
I
think
they
will.
N
But
I
still
think
that
this
is
the
one
that
causes
the
less
the
least
amount
of
disruption,
while
still
staying
true
to
what
we
have
to
do
from
a
number
of
different
levels.
It
seems
to
me
to
move
out
seven.
Six:
seven:
five:
without
having
like
a
concrete,
solid
home
and
just
sort
of
piecemealing,
it
creates
dilemmas
and
that's
my
biggest
concern.
E
L
Okay,
so
sorry
so
I
would
just
say
a
couple
of
things.
One
thing
is
that
I
think
on
a
micro,
Community
level.
It's
really
important
to
know
that
for
4
8
has
you've
basically
got
sent
the
symphony
e
Symphony
West
there.
So
you
know
I
think
that
when
I
think
about
how
folks
actually
organize
around
there
keeping
Symphony,
East
and
West
together,
which
you
would
do,
if
you
keep
four
five
and
D7,
is
important
and
and
and
I
think
it's
yeah.
L
So
for
me,
the
sort
of
community
interest
arguments
cut
in
that
direction.
I
also
think
that
you
know
and
again
using
districtor
is
a
rough
thing
right,
but
the
I
think
the
33.4
that
it
puts
the
black
pop
and
count
in
D7
is
the
same
as
the
current
D7.
So
it's
not
making
it
less
black
and
then,
if
you
go
over
I
think
so
a
suggestion,
for
instance,
I'd
make
because
I
take
your
point.
L
I
mean
I
think
like
if
you
took,
for
instance,
15-2
from
District
Four
and
moved
it
to
District
three,
then
you
would
balance
things
out
and
I
think
you
know
I
think
it's
really
substantial.
If
we
go
from,
if
we
go
like
in
that
in
that
situation,
we're
talking
about
a
you
know,
a
35.6
white
District
3,
as
opposed
to
with
just
the
Arroyo
Transformations
we're
at
a
38.1.
So
that's
like
a
quite
a
substantial
increase
in
the
Coalition
of
color
in
in
District
three.
N
Is
another
commitment
I
have
to
go
to
so
if
you
go
up,
unfortunately,
if
you
go
up
right,
this
is
the
one
major
part
of
this
that
I
like
want
to
make
clear.
We
do
have
communities
of
interest
that
and
we
also
have
what
are
clearly
defined
by
law
opportunity
districts.
Those
include
District,
five
district,
four
District,
three
District
Seven,
those
are
majority
minority
districts.
N
The
reality
is
it's
our
role
to
strengthen
district
7,
strengthen
District,
three
you're
supposed
to
be
strengthening
the
opportunity
districts
under
the
standpoint
of
that
framework,
and
this
is
really
and
I'm
just
going
to
put
it
out
there.
It's
really
different,
because
in
District
2
you
have
sort
of
voting
patterns
that
are
very
different,
even
though
you
don't
have
the
same
racial
diversity
that
you
have
you
do
have
communities
as
a
whole
are
voting
in
a
different
way
right.
N
The
South
End
doesn't
always
vote
in
in
alignment
with
South
Boston
I
think
everybody
knows
that,
but
it's
not
technically
an
opportunity
district,
and
so
our
our
mandate
is
to
strengthen
opportunity
districts,
which
is
why,
if
anything,
district
7
should
be
getting
more
people
of
color.
It
should
not
be
decreasing
or
staying
equal
same
thing
with
District
three
same
thing
with
District
Five
same
thing
with
District
Four
and
in
the
sense
that
up
to
where
it's
packing,
it's
a
problem
but
you're
supposed
to
be
strengthening
the
opportunity.
N
Districts
and
my
concern
here-
is
that
we're
moving
things
around
in
a
non-opportunity
district
in
a
way
that
doesn't
strengthen
actual
opportunity
districts,
and
that
is
our
overarching
mandate
and
so
I
would
be
opposed
just
openly
to
anything.
That
I
think
weakens
opportunity.
Districts
in
district
7
and
District
3
and
District
Five
and
District
Four.
Beyond
what
I
consider
excess
and.
L
L
N
L
So
my
apologies
I
meant
I
meant
the
prior
I
meant
the
original
file.
The
NAACP
map,
like
I,
mean
that
that
map
I
mean
Arroyo.
Braden
right
is
at
35.99,
I
get
it,
and
then
you
go
up
to
38.1.
And
if
you
do
this,
you
come
back
to
35.6
and
I.
Think
that
you're
really
holding
district
7
harmless
in
that
situation.
But
that's
you.
N
Know,
yeah
I
think
that's
it's
it's
subjective,
but
that's
that's
what
I'm
and
I
also
just
think
from
a
community
of
Interest
standpoint
to
be
clear.
You
are
correct
on
Symphony
Towers
what
it
is
in
four
eight,
but
four
eight
has
like
6
000
people
in
that
Precinct
and
so
there's
no
way
to
flip
a
bunch
of
students
yeah,
but
they
don't
vote
but
they're
literally
it's
the
population
we're
using,
and
so
four
eight
and
four
five
do
have
that
shared
common
interest.
N
But
it
is
very
obvious
in
the
way
that
they
organize
that
four
or
five
does
organize
with
the
south
end
with
Chinatown
collectively,
just
like
4A
does-
and
this
is
a
way
to
both
make
sure
that
we
are
keeping
the
numbers
in
District
Seven,
where
they
have
to
be
while
giving
a
community
of
Interest.
The
ability
to
advocate
in
shared
cause
and
I
just
want
to
make
sure
that,
as
we
do
this,
we
don't
get
to
a
place
where
we're
prioritizing.
N
E
E
Do
we
make
District
three
as
disjointed
as
we
possibly
can
that's
what
it
looks
like
to
me
so
every
despite
my
advocacy,
despite
bringing
multiple
people
in
here
to
talk
about
how
we
are
a
community-
and
we
would
like
today
to
stay
together,
obviously
fell
on
deaf-
is
across
the
across
the
board
here
in
this
chamber.
I'd
like
to
thank
you
very
much.
E
We're
definitely
not
ready
for
a
vote
tomorrow,
but
let's
plow
right
ahead
with
it,
definitely
not
ready
for
a
vote
as
as
The
Advocate
map
indicates
and
through
everyone's
talking
points
throughout
this
process.
It's
evident
to
me
that
the
goal
is
to
split
up
the
Southeastern
part
of
District
three.
E
If
this
is
the
intent
to
not
keep
our
current
city
council
District
compact,
to
not
preserve
our
neighborhoods
and
to
not
keep
our
entire
community
of
interests
intact,
including
Parish
boundaries
which
are
neighborhoods
and
neighborhoods,
are
a
factor,
then
my
suggestion
would
be
to
send
the
entire
upper
upper
16
16
8
16,
9,
16,
11
and
1612,
along
with
17-13
into
District
Four.
This
would
keep
that
Community
together
in
order
to
make
the
numbers
right,
District
3
would
have
to
expand
North
into
South
Boston.
E
Put
all
of
put
all
of
six
16
8
16
9,
16,
11
and
16
12,
along
with
17
13,
which
I
think
is
the
advocate
map.
Put
that
end
just
put
that
in
District
Four
and
then
move
from
District
Two
to
District
three,
seven,
one,
seven,
two
seven
three
and
then
add
we
already
did
16
1
and
16
3
and
then
add
three.
Sixteen
also.
E
E
And
I
believe
in
a
rush
in
our
Rush,
where
we're
only
talking
about
race
in
this
one,
we're
not
we're
not
really
talking
about
districts
and
and
how
they
should
be
working
towards
common
goals.
Commonality
this
District
that
that
you
guys
are
all
forcing
on
District
three
is
laughable,
I!
Think
I'm.
Looking
for
some
commonality,
I'm
looking
for
where,
where
we're
gonna
work,
what
we're
going
to
do
looking
for
it
all
disjointed!
So.
P
E
P
For
district
four,
it
has
14.8
percent
white
49.3
percent
black
23.4
percent
Hispanic
District
3,
with
37.8
percent
white
18.9,
black
16
Hispanic
District
Two
64.6
white
5.3
percent,
black
9.3
percent
Hispanic
I'll
swap
out
Asian.
It
has
District
2
with
17
Asian
District
3,
with
16.7
percent
Asian
and
District
Four
with
3.6
percent
Asian.
E
A
P
H
A
G
I
appreciate
if
we
can
win
if
we
can
get
a
print
out
of
that
and
then
I
just
had
a
couple
suggestions
here,
or
at
least
if
I
can
just
plug
and
play
some
Precinct
so
Wayne.
If
we
can
hit
the
reset
button
and
down
in
Dorchester,
if
we
could
put
16
8
16,
9,
16,
11
and
16
12
in
District,
three
with
1713
and
District
Four.
Sorry.
P
P
G
P
So
right
now
it
is
District
268.9
way:
4.3
black
7.5
percent,
Hispanic
District
338
white
17.7,
black
16.9
Hispanic,
8.3
percent
white
52.9,
black
24.9
Hispanic
District
2,
with
15.6
Asian,
17.1
percent
Asian
and
District
3
and
District
4
with
4.4
percent
Asian.
And
it's
a
population
right
on
that
Wing.
It
has
a
deviation.
Maximum
deviation
of
one
District,
the
highest
with
7.2
percent.
G
O
L
Madam,
chair
I,
so
I
didn't
suggest
to
remove
eight
five,
but
yesterday
I
suggested
13-4,
but
I
didn't
today
suggest
either
of
those
so
that
wasn't
I
was
I
was
only
discussing
the
question
of
four
or
five
coming
back
in
today.
I
was
just
saying
that
perhaps
we
would
see
if,
if
we
could
move
15-2
and
to
which
is
over
that's
over
on
the
d3d4
border,
so
it
didn't
didn't.
I
I
heard
you
Council
Fernandez
Anderson
on
the
13-4
front
yesterday,
so
I
didn't
make
that
suggestion
today.
O
I
guess
I
guess
I'm!
Thank
you.
Council
Bach,
I
guess
I'm
a
little
confused
in
terms
of
the
exchange
when
I
came
back,
I
do
apologize.
Madam
chair
I
had
to
attend
to
a
couple
of
urgent
matters
in
my
district,
but
so
you're
not
subject.
It
comes
through
the
chair,
Council
back
you're,
not
official
you're,
not
still
recommending
to
remove
black
and
brown
districts
or
precincts
out
of
District
7.
G
A
A
O
O
I
just
wanted
to
extend
my
support
to
you
and
say
that
I
know
that
this
is
like
very
difficult,
like
I'm,
with
chairways
and
means
experience
like
I,
that
that
was
tough,
too
and
but
I
think
you
actually
have
done
a
really
good
job
and
I
really
liked
that
you
presented
all
of
the
meetings
all
of
the
working
sessions
and
all
the
community
meetings
that
on
record
I,
think
that's
important
to
show
and
if
folks
wanted
to
do
more.
I've
already
expressed
yesterday
and
I.
O
Think
it's
important
to
express
it
here
today,
while
being
televised
that
we
have.
We
we
as
counselors,
have
the
responsibility
to
bring
the
information
to
include
our
communities
and
to
be
transparent
and
I.
Think
that
we
have
done
that
and
if
folks
felt,
if
my
colleagues
felt
that
they
needed
to
do
more
or
further
Community
engagement,
that
was
up
to
their
discretion
and
if
they
haven't,
then
no
judgment.
I,
it's
none
of
my
business,
what
you
do
in
your
District,
but
that
that
is
open
for
everyone.
O
It's
our
responsibility,
so
I
would
say.
I
would
continue
to
say
that
you
know
if
I
I'm,
not
sure,
what's
going
on
in
terms
of
like
the
exchanges,
but
I
wanted
to
publicly
extend
my
support
to
you
and
say
if
you
are
getting
any
type
of
like
backlash
in
terms
of
your
decision-making
process
or
this
process
in
itself,
I'm
here
to
say
that,
as
your
colleague
is
a
black
woman
here
you
are
my
White
counterpart
you're.
My
sister
and
I
stand
with
you
in
your
decision.
I
know.
O
H
So
it
would
be
helpful,
as
we
wrap
up
this
session,
just
to
get
some
things
on
like
what's
on
the
table,
what
are
we
going
to
be
coming
back
to
on
Wednesday?
Like
you
know
the
discussion
that
just
happened
between
the
colleagues
that
are
in
this
chamber
today?
Just
it
would
just
be
helpful
for
a
recap
so
that
we
walk
out
of
here
with
a
real,
clear
understanding
of
what
is
at
play
and
what
we're
going
to
be
walking
back
into
and
I'd
like
to
Second.
O
You
councilman
here
for
your
support,
I
think
you
know
allowing
let's
allow
and
of
course
it's
up
to
you
Madam
chair,
but
allowing
the
mat
The
Madam
chair
the
grace
to
be
able
to
make
those
decisions
process
it
and
come
back
to
us
either
it
either
it's
a
it's
a
communication
later
on
or
tomorrow.
It's
totally
up
to
you
so
allowing
Heather
Grace
to
do
that
and
not
necessarily
be
under
pressure
today
and
respond.
Thank.
P
P
J
J
P
J
J
J
E
G
G
E
P
E
E
Okay,
if
we're
looking
to
vote
tomorrow,
I'll
be
amendable,
but
that's
something
that
the
the
The
Advocates
asked
for.
I
mean
I'm,
looking
to
get
a
map
here
and
I'm,
looking
I'm
looking
to
to
keep
communities
of
interest
in
District
three
together,
because
as
a
district
councilor,
there's
a
certain
agenda
that
that
arrives
from
your
boundaries
in
in
the
further
I
get
spread
out.
That
agenda
becomes
more
disjointed.
J
J
E
Right
there
it's
what's
my
from
the
beginning,
community
of
Interest
pay
for
an
insane
in
and
split
I
mean
it's
one
thing.
If
you
take
take
the
remaining
freezing
that
same
price,
this
is
the
meaning
of
Interest.
That's
been
that's
been
advocating
for
people
in
this
District
I,
don't
see
how
people
continually
come
after
these.
These.
This
is
a
neighborhood.
This
is
a
real
neighborhood
here.
These
are
people
that
work
hard.
They
they
they
play
sports
together.
They
they
do.
E
Nearly
everything
together
come
down
to
Florian
Hall
when
we
have
when
we
have
when
we
have
a
time
for
someone,
someone,
Diana
cancer
or
a
kid's
sick,
this
that
come
to
Florian
hall,
there's
2
000
people
in
there
from
that
Community
look
at
the
picture
of
Garvey
Park.
After
after
after
the
the
bombing
there
were
1500
people
down
there
to
support
the
the
Richards
family,
all
from
that
Community
all
colors.
You
know
this
is
a
community
I,
can't
can't
say
it
anymore:
it
didn't
have
it.
They
have
this
called
the
District
3
project.
E
E
E
H
A
E
That's
a
centralized
location
for
what's
going
to
be
happening
in
terms
of
resiliency
firms
and
other
and
other
things
that
connected
directly
to
13
3
and
moving
moving
around
7-7
to
protect
that
area
right
there,
because
one
of
the
pinch
points
when
the
water
rises
it's
its
plan,
the
waters
plan
has
come
directly
across
multiply
directly
through
the
Mariela
McCormick
housing
projects
and
from
that
point
it
floods,
lower
Roxbury
and
Back
Bay
in
the
rest
of
the
city.
That
way
so
very
much
very
much
in
interest.
Seven
six
is
you.
I
And
through
the
chair
to
councilor
Fernandez,
Anderson,
not
sure
if
you
were
in
the
room,
but
I
had
made
a
few
changes.
That
I
would
like
to
do
again
so
that
we
can
see
because
I
also
agree
with
councilor.
Baker
I
grew
up
in
this
neighborhood,
so
I
know
it.
And
if
people
are
looking
at
69
do
you
know?
I
And
it's
not
a
challenge,
question
I'll
just
say
you
probably
don't
realize
that
you're
cutting,
if
you
only
give
16,
8
and
11
to
District
Four,
and
you
give
back
16,
9
and
12
to
District
3
you're,
going
to
Gallivan,
Boulevard
and
you're,
going
to
be
cutting
down
Granite
Ave
and
that
whole
neighborhood
on
the
other
side
of
the
cemetery
and
then
you're
going
to
be
going
up.
Adam
Street
right
through
one
of
the
busiest
and
growing
business
districts
in
District
3
right
now,
which
is
Adam's
corner.
I
So,
like
I've
said
to
people
you
could
be
at
dinner
at
molinari's
on
one
side
or
in
the
Airy
Pub
and
you'd
be
in
District
Four,
and
then
you
cross
the
street
to
get
a
scone
at
Green
Hills
and
a
cup
of
tea
and
you're
in
District
three,
and
if
you
go
up
a
little
further
to
Ashmont
Street,
you
can
see
it's
zigzags
you'd
go
down.
Ashmont,
Street
and
69.
It's
going
to
be
cut
along
New,
Hall
Street.
It's
just
cuts
into
that
neighborhood
houses
parks.
I
P
I
I
I
H
I
I
I
mean
I'm,
not
sure
if,
when
amendments
are
proposed,
I
think
I'm
a
visual
person.
This
is
an
important
vote
that
we
actually
look
at
each
one
and
kind
of
talk
through,
especially
the
district
council,
is
sharing
if
any
drastic
changes
are
made
into
their
District,
which
we
heard
this
morning.
When
there's
no
need,
we
shouldn't
just
be
making
changes
to
make
changes,
but
absolutely
make
them
when
we
want
to
be
in
line
with
the
Voting
Rights
Act.
G
Thank
you,
madam
chair.
Ever
so
you
want
to
pick
up
on
where
our
colleague
Council
Fernandez
Anderson
was
going
in
terms
of
kind
of
boiling
down
to
the
issues
with
respect
to
District,
3
and
District
Four
and
finding
out
between
the
respective
counselors
that
represent
those
districts
along
with
District
2,
because
District
Two
has
to
shed
and
again
trying
to
build
consensus,
and
you
know
fostering
collegiality
here.
How
do
we
turn
around
and
is
there
some
push
and
pull
here?
G
But
collectively
you
know.
Can
we
find
a
way
to
do
a
deeper
dive
and
a
micro
analysis
of
the
you
guys
know
your
District's
better
than
anybody,
and
we
have
a
very
Frank
discussion
as
to
what
precincts
can
move
in
and
out
of
these
districts
again
following
up
on
I?
Think
that's
where
Council
Fernandez
was
going
was
kind
of
doing
a
little
bit
of
a
deeper
dive.
G
Frankly
wish
more
of
our
colleagues
were
here,
because
this
is
kind
of
where
the
rubber
meets
the
road
folks
so
again,
I
pose
that
question
to
D4
to
D3
into
D2.
Are
there
any
precincts
here
that
you
folks
are
aware
of
that?
You
know,
and
you
know
the
breakdown.
You
know
the
demographic
breakdown.
You
know
the
neighborhoods
and
the
cohesiveness
that
can
exchange
or
move
in
and
out
of
districts,
to
try
to
get
to
a
point
where
we
could.
G
You
know
we're
not
going
to
be
happy,
not
everyone's
getting
a
whole
loaf,
but
a
half
a
low
for
three
quarters
of
a
loaf
in
some
instances
give
a
little
bit
to
get
a
little
bit.
So
that's
where
I'm
at
Madame
Gia
so
I
pose
that
question
to
each
of
my
colleagues.
I
would
like
to
hear
from
them
as
to
we're
precincts
that
they
think
could
move
in
and
out.
That
again
would
keep
our
the
numbers
consistent
with
where
we
need
to
be.
D
D
That
would
be
important.
I
highlighted
that
many
times
over
the
last
several
several
weeks
of
various
for
various
reasons,
but
seven
one,
seven,
two
and
seven,
three,
those
those
would
be
non-starters
for
me,
I
I,
I
I,
would
never
accept
7172
and
7-3
leaving
District
district.
So
Madam
chair,
I
I,
provided
to
all
of
my
colleagues
at
least
10
precents,
that
I've
recommended,
maybe
more
maybe
11.,
10
or
11
precincts
that
I've
recommended.
That
might
be
that
I
would
be
willing
to
to
provide.
D
You
know
to
Japan
I,
guess
that's
the
word
and
that
would
be
part
of
a
new
District
and
they
were
all
excellent
presents
in
terms
of
the
the
demographics.
But
you
know:
I've
I've
been
a
part
of
this
process
here
and
I've
I,
don't
think
I've
been
accommodating
in
providing
as
much
information
as
I
can
on
presents
that
must
or
probably
could
be
Shed
from
District
Two
again
I
highlighted
those
publicly
to
all
of
my
colleagues.
So
it's
not
a
it's,
not
a
secret.
D
D
A
Thank
you,
I'm.
Cognizant
of
the
time
we
have
working
a
constant
box
committee
has
a
meeting
here
at
two
o'clock:
I
propose
to
recess
until
2
30..
No,
it's
at
3
30
and
come
back
in
to
further
discuss
our
options
and
the
the
we
will
be
making
we.
We
will
re
we'll
research
for
now
and
come
back
at
3
30.,
yes,
councilor
Baker
concert
hold
on.
Oh.
E
L
A
very
brief
just
to
say
that
I
just
wanted
to
register
that,
like
within
the
context
of
the
Amendments
that
were
discussed,
I
just
wanted
to
double
down
again
on
the
fact
that
I
think
I
think
it
is
important
to
move
the
public
housing
back
into
South
Boston,
and
so
even
though
I
thought
it
was
inelegant
of
the
precincts
left
like
keeping
six
like
doing
six
one
and
six
ten
as
the
two
that
go
out,
because
they
don't
have
any
public
housing.
I
just
wanted
to
flag
that
as
an
opinion.
L
And
then
the
other
thing
is
just
to
say
to
folks
who
don't
know
that
the
the
hearing
today
is
on
the
Boston
Teachers
Union
contract.
It
has
to
be
approved
by
the
council
in
order
to
get
funded.
It's
gone
through
an
extensive
process,
and
so
it's
here
now
and
there's
been
a
strong
request
from
our
employees
there
to
have
us
here
and
meet
on
it.